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Full text of "FOIA: FBI Informants: Brown, Julia C.-Cleveland-5a"

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November 7> 1952 



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MEMO, SAC: 



cc: 



100-19935 (NNLC) 

100-1I4-573 (BERT WASHINGTON) 

100-19i|.33 (FLORENCE RONIG) 



lOO-llj.899 (ETHEL GOODMAN) 
100-17261 (NEGRO) 
100-20i(.21 (EDDIE YOUNG) 



furnished the writer on October 3> 1952, 

the following items of literature concerning the National 
Negro Labor Council: 



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Received by informant on September 23 , 
1952, a four page printed announcement 
or "call" to the Second Annual Convention 
of the Nagional Negro Labor Council to 
be held November 21, 22 and 23, 1952, at 
the Cleveland Municipal Auditorium, Cleve- 
land, Ohio. On the back page of this 
announcement the officers of the Cleveland 
Negro Labor Council are listed as follows: 

BERTRAM A. WASHINGTON ~ President 

ETHEL GOODMAN — Executive Secretary 

FLORENCE ROMIG ~ Recording Secretary 

Mrs. JULIA BROWN — Treasurer 

EDDIE H. YOUNG — Director of Organization 

A one page mimeographed letter dated Sep- 
tember 2I4., 1952, and issued by the Cleve- 
land Negro Labor Council, 53H Woodland 
Avenue, Cleveland, received by informant 
on September 25, 1952. This letter is * 
signed in ink by ETHEL GOODMAN, Executive 
Secretary, and announces the agenda for a 
meeting of the Council for September 28, 
1952. 

A four page lithographed leaflet received 
by informant October 2, 1952, announcing 
the National Negro Labor Council ! s job 
discrimination fight against the Brooklyn 
Union Gas Company, Brooklyn, NewYork. 



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-A_COUNGIU-*J 



SECOND 

ANNUAL 

CONVENTION 

of the 

NATIONAL NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

November 21, 22, 23, 1952 

Cleveland Municipal Auditorium 
Cleveland, Ohio 



Where there Id no dtruaaie. 



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^Jhere id no proaredd — " 

—these immortal and inspiring words of Frederick Douglassy, 
the great Civil War freedom fighter, rang out again last year in Cincinnati, Ohio as the National 
Negro Labor Council assembled in it Founding Convention. This fighting freedom call that rose- 
out of Cincinnati has echoed across our land, a nd in the past year, has inspired new hope, cour- 
age and determination in the Negro's struggle for full freedom. 

i 



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A NEW ORGANIZATION 

The National Negro Labor Council was bom dur- 
ing a period of world crisis. World war or peace hung 
in the balance as from Korea to Iran to South Africa,, 
the liberation struggles of oppressed Colonial Peoples 
shook the earth underneath their oppressors. Here in 
America, the Negro people reflected the tempo of 
these world-wide freedom stirrings. The founding of 
our NNLC, the launching of the "Freedom Train," 
was the answer of the American Negro to the demands 
of history. 

However, it was no more 4he intentions of the 
forces of reaction to honor the demands 01 the Negro 
people of America for full economic, political, and , 
social freedom, than to grant national liberation to the ' 
enslaved Colonial Peoples. American foreign policy, 
that meant the gasoline- jelly bomb and active partici- 
pation in the colonial oppression of the Asians and 
Africans, inevitably meant an intensified domestic 
policy of the lynch rope and the denial of civil rights 
to the American Negro. 

But, this chain-reaction was intended to affect all 
sections of the American population. Organized labor 
was a prime target of the jack-boot of growing Ameri- 
can fascism. Repressive legislation was steam-rollered 
through Congress and the various state legislatures. 
Political trials were the order of the day with thought- 
control and rule by the stool, new effects, added to 
the American way of life. 

A NEW CONCEPT 

It was against this world and national backdrop 
that the founders of the NNLC gathered in Cincinnati 
in October, 1951 to form an organization based on a 
new concept, that proposed to bring to the general 
field of the struggle for Negro rights a new and vital 
f orce — namely, the organized strength and militant 
leadership of Nogro workers, organized together with 
their allies among the white workers, into a national . 
" organization that would make its main contribution in 
the fight for full freedom by concentrating on economic 
issues. 

We selected the economic front because we felt it 
was the key; because we knew that economic exploita- 
tion and "profit from prejudice" were the basic moti- 
vations of the oppression of the Negro people; because 
we knew that in striking at the economic chains that 
bind the Negroes of America, we were striking at the 
heart of Jim Crow. 

We moved into struggle fully aware of the tre- 
mendous task of openly challenging the entrenchment 
of Jim Crow in America. We knew that this challenge 
could only be successful through the unity of the 
broad masses of the Negro people. This unity had to be 
firmly based upon the common struggle of all Negro_2_ 



workers regardless of political or caucus affiliation. 
Upon this foundation had to be built the unity of the 
Negro workers with the Negro small business and 
professionals, and the cooperation between the NNLC 
and old established organizations of the Negro people 
that are willing to march forward. 

NEGRO-WHITE UNITY 

The NNLC held that it is a matter of self-preserva- 
tion for the labor movement, and of the white workers, 
to join with the Negro people in their struggle for 
full freedom. The NNLC thus proposed to weld unity 
between the Negro people and the labor movement, 
to promote the firmest Negro-white unity by bringing 
Negro and white workers together in common strug- 
gle — the struggle for Negro rights. 

A NEW PROGRAM 

This newly launched organization promulgated a 
program calling for militant action in combatting Jim 
Crow and discrimination on the economic front, or any 
other front, as the situation might dictate — special 
emphasis was placed on the extreme crisis faced by 
Negro women in the employment field. 

With this concept and with this program, our Na- 
tional Negro Labor Council, our "Freedom Train," 
was off and rolling. 

Our call for unity,- and our two main demands, 
"JOBS and FEPC," have had an impact on the national 
scene. 

Since our Founding Convention, other organizations 
have taken up or accelerated their jobs and FEPC 
campaigns. FEPC and civil rights have become the big 
issue in the 1952 election campaign. Today, all of 
America knows that the Negro people are not free 
and are demanding that freedom now! 

Our labor councils around the country have re- 
corded outstanding victories in the fight for 100,000 
jobs. Negro and white workers alike have responded 
whenever we have taken these campaigns to them, 
both in the trade unions and the community. 

Many trade unions have succeeded in winning the 
Model FEPC Clause in contracts and fought for up- 
grading, apprenticeship and job training for Negro 
youth. 

Our concept of organization has proven sound — 
our program of action has been tested in struggle. 

A NEW CHALLENGE 

It must be said, however, that the pace of our 
achievement falls somewhat short of the stepped, up 
demands of today's fight for freedom. The twin dan- 
gers of war and fascism threaten to turn back the clock 
on every hard won, though inadequate gain, of the 
Negro people, the labor movement, and the workers of 
America. 

The corporations in arrogant refusal to bargain, 



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i*UQH. BnoiheM and BliieM . . . 



the government in double-talk and double-cross, in 
attacks by Un-American committees, have increased 
their pressure on the labor movement, while repres- 
sive legislation is accompanied by inflation and the 
steady and increasing impoverishment of the workers. 

Cicero and Cairo, Illinois and Mims, Florida, have 
been added to an infamous list of fascist atrocities 
against Negro America. 

The retreat on FEPC and civil rights by the Re- 
publican and Democratic Parties in convention, 
screened by TV to millions, leaves no doubt as to the 
intentions of those who rule our country on these 
basic issues. A free rolling program of war emanating 
from both these conventions offers to Negro youth no 
freedom, — but that to die on foreign soil. 

Industry's growing movement to the South, the 
area of the open shop, low wages and Jim Crow, clearly 
poses the organizing of the South on a militant non- 
Jim Crow basis as a life and death question of sur- 
vival to the trade union movement in America. 

These intensified attacks on the 'American people 
call for all-out emergency measures on the part of all 
lovers of freedom. The National Negro Labor Council 
can and must play a key role in rallying the forces of 
freedom and democracy on to the offensive in the 
critical struggle for peace and freedom. 

WE MUST MOVE ON ! 

We, black daughters and sons of labor, with our 
white allies, have it within our power and within our 
unity to smash the economic chains that shackle the 
Negro people! . 

This is our task. Our course lies clear before us. 

We can and must complete our objective of 100,000 
new jobsl 

Our Negro women must be free from' the slavery 
of the "white folks' kitchen," and participate in the 
job market on the basis of full dignity and equality! 

Decent jobs can and must be won for Negro women 
in the basic industries and in the white-collar field! 

A National FEPC can and must be won in this 
year ahead! 

We can and must break down Jim Crow in the field 
of apprenticeship and job training! - 

Up-grading, free from discrimination, must be our 
objective for every shop in the land! 

The fight against lily-white shops and lily-white 
industries must be stepped up! 

We must win the fight for a Model FEPC Clause 
in every union contract! 

We must break down the Jim Crow barriers and 
collaboration where it exists between employer and 
union to bar Negroes from the skilled trades! 

Specifically, we must intensify our national cam- 
paign to place Negro saleswomen in the various 
branches of the vast Sears-Roebuck chain. 



-3- 



The victory of our Council in San Francisco in 
winning jobs for 15 Negro saleswomen at the Sears 
store in that City must be repeated in city after city. 

We must press our fight against that giant monop- 
oly, American Airlines, which while existing on gov- 
ernment subsidy and federal contracts, arrogantly pur- 
sues a Jim Crow hiring policy. 

These specific tasks, and new ones to be spelled 
out at our Convention, offer the challenge of the period 
ahead. 

EYES TOWARD THE SOUTH 

We must join with and assist the trade unions in 
the great unfinished task of organizing the South on 
the basis of fraternity, equality and unity. The NNLC 
must crusade for a revival of the highest type of 
Negro-white unity known to America — that type 
which the workers and farmers of the South achieved 
during the Reconstruction period and which the re- 
actionary forces worked so hard to destroy. The heroic 
struggles of the Negro and white workers in Bessemer, 
Alabama, who have faced the blazing guns of the white 
supremacists together and beaten them back, gives 
promise of the rebirth of this unity which will save 
America. 

We must turn our eyes towards the South as an 
area of national concentration. We must build strong 
Negro Labor Councils in the South! For" here, in the 
great heartland of the Negro people, the decisive issue 
of Negro liberation will be fought and resolved. 

The NNLC must offer full support to. any non-Jim 
Crow organizational drives of the trade unions,, in the 
South based on Negro-white unity! 

We draw^ deeply in inspiration from the lessons 
presented by the oppressed people of South Africa 
who discovered that only through unity could they 
throw down the gauntlet, and demand an end to the 
Apartheid Laws enacted .by the white supremacist 
Malan Government. < . - * 

And finally, in order to achieve the above listed- 
objectives, the National Negro Labor Council must 
be built into a mass organization consisting of thou- 
sands of individual Negro workers and their white 
democratic-minded brothers and sisters in the trade 
unions. 

With this high purpose and firm resolve, the Na- 
tional Negro Labor Council issues a call to all Negro 
workers, organized and unorganized, to all white work- 
ers willing to join us in our freedom fight, to all labor 
unions, and to all organizations of the Negro people, 
to come together in Convention in Cleveland, Ohio, 
on November 21, 22, 23, this year of 1952, for the pur- 
pose of charting the future course of the National Negro 
Labor Council in uncompromising struggle toward the 
objective of full freedom of the Negro people of Amer- 
ica! >», 



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THE NATIONAL NEGRO LABOR 



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NATIONAL OFFICERS: 



President 

WILLIAM H. HOOD 
UAW-CIO, Detroit 

Executive Secretary 
COLEMAN A. YOUNG 
ACWA-CIO, Detroit 

Director of Organization 

ERNEST THOMPSON 
UERMWA, New York City 



BAKERSFIELD NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Donald Jordan, President 

BALTIMORE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Otto B. Yerrell, President 
Marcus McBride, Jr., Sec.-Treas. 

BRIDGEPORT NEGRO LABOR 

° James Bunswich, President 
Edward, G. B. Miller, Jr., 

Secretary-Treasurer 
Frank Brown, Recording Secy. 

BUFFALO NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Ralph Hubbard, President 
Joseph Green, Vice-President 
Oscar Moore, Secretary 
L". B. Motten, Treasurer 

CAPITAL DISTRICT NEGRO 

LABOR COUNCIL 
Troy Snipes, President 
Sarah Brooks, Vice-President 
Lenore Van Hoesen, Vice-Pres. 
Edsel Walker, Treasurer 
J. A. Gebhardt, Secretary 

CHICAGO NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

■ Sam Parks, President 

Ruth Collins, Vice-President 
Chatman C. Wailes, Exec, Secy. 
Hilliard Ellis, Sec.-Treas. 
Al Garner, Recording Secy. 

CINCINNATI NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Eddie Cox, President 
Cyril Reid, Treasurer 
Helen Ogeltree, Exec. Secy. 
Emma Eaves, Secretary 

CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR 

C Bertram A. Washington, President 
Ethel Goodman, Exec. Secy. -- 
Florence Romig, Record, Secy. 
Mrs. Julia Brown, Treas. 
Eddie H. Young, Director of 

Organization 

DAYTON NEGRO LABOR 

COUNCIL _ tj . 

Harry McGill, President 
W. S. Mcintosh, Vice-President 
Virginia Bumpus, Secretary 
Lillian Holmes, Treasurer 



Treasurer 
OCTAVIA HAWKINS 
UAW-CIO, Chicago 

Vice-Presidents at Large 

Marie Bowden 
SMWA-AFL, Los Angeles 

Victoria Garvin 
DPOWA, New York City 



Ashbury Howard 
MMSWA, Birmingham 
James Husband 
TWA-AFL, Durham, N, C. 

Benjamin Phillips 
Railroad Workers, St. Louis 
Cleveland Robinson 
DPOWA, New York City 
Maurice Travis 
MMSWA, Denver 



LOCAL COUNCILS: 



DETROIT NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Joe Morgan, President 
Layman Walker, Director of 

Organization 
Frank Bell, Vice-President 
Dorothy Knight, Vice-President 
Velma Manier, Vice-President 
Harold Shapiro, Vice-President 
Gerald Boyd, Executive Secy. 
Dave Moore, Treasurer 
James Walker, Recording Secy. 
Nelson Davis, Sgt.-at-Arms 

EAST BAY NEGRO LABOR. 
COUNCIL 

Clarence L. Davis, Jr., President 
Alexine McMorris, Secretary 
Anderson Carter, Treasurer 

EAST ST. LOUIS NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Benjamin Phillips, President 
DuBois Hume, Vice-President 
Alfred Bishop, Secretary 

ERIE NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

Leon Davis, President 
Henry Austin, Treasurer 
Edna Nicholson, Secretary 

FLINT NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

Harold Wilson, President 
Fred Tucker, Dir. of Organization 
E. L. Holmes, Exec. Secretary 
Mary Dantzler, Financial Secy. 

FORT WAYNE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Juanita Biggs, President 
Wilbur Biggs, Secretary 
Ruth Burnett, Treasurer 

GREATER NEW YORK NEGRO 
LABOR COUNCIL 

Ewart Guinier, President 
Victoria Garvin, Executive Secy. 
Pearl Laws, Treasurer 
Roy McLeod, Dir. of Organization 
Tom Sullivan, Recording Secy. 

BROOKLYN CHAPTER 

Joseph Banks, President 
John Elmore, Exec. Secy. 
Lula Stone, Treasurer 
Wilfred Jones, Record. Secy. 

HARTFORD NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Ernest Smith, Secretary 



NCIL 



Regional Vice-Presidents 

Viola Brown 

DPOWA, Winston Salem 

William Chester 
ILWU, San Francisco 

Ewart Guinier 

UPW, New York City 



Sam Parks 
UPWA-CIO, 



Chicago 



LOUISVILLE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Nathaniel McKenzie, President 
James Smith, Vice-President 
Larue Spiker, Vice-President 
Grant Long, Vice-President 
James Gourion, Vice-President 
M. A; Barnett, Vice-President 
Arthur Renty, Vice-President 
Chester Higgins, Exec. Secy. 
Gwenyth Stringer, Record. Secy. 
Anna Jordan, Sec.-Treas. 

LOS ANGELES NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Cleophus Brown, President 
Marie Bowden, Vice-President 
John Forrester, Exec. Secy. 
Frankie Lee Sims, Treasurer 
Laura Little, Recording Secretary 

MILWAUKEE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Mike Walker, President 
Rev. Pauline Foster, Vice-Pres, 
Ralph Washington, Exec. Secy. 
Julius Simmons, Treasurer 
Corine Brown, Recording Secy. 

NEW ENGLAND TRADE UNION 
COUNCIL 

Roy M. Atus, President 
Yates Holmes, 1st Vice-President 
Mary Ann Johnson, 2nd V.-Pres. 
Royal Jones, Treasurer 
George Markham, Exec. Secy. 
Verneice Garbiel, Record, Secy. 

NEW HAVEN NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Maxine Brunswick, Secretary 

NEW JERSEY NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Arnold McGhee, President 
Beatrice Wheeler, 1st Vice-Pres. 
William Santora, 2nd Vice-Pres. 
Walter Singleton, Fin. Secy. 
Walter Dyer, Treasurer 
Martha Kennerly, «, Record. Secy. 

PHILADELPHIA NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Edward Logan, President 
Edward Robinson, Vice-President 
Samuel Cannady, Treasurer 
John Lymas, Secretary 



Convention Schedule 

FRIDAY — NOVEMBER 21, 1952 

-*- 10:00 A. M. 

Registration, Housing, etc. 
CONVENTION HEADQUARTERS 
CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

5311 Woodland, Room 4 
Telephone: EXpress 1-SS29 
Cleveland, Ohio 

8:00 P. M. (Sharp) 

OPENING SESSION 

(place fo be announced) 

SATURDAY — NOVEMBER 22, 1952 
10:00 A. M. (Sharp) 

ALL SESSIONS 

CLEVELAND MUNICIPAL AUDITORIUM 

East 6th Street and Lakeside Avenue 

SUNDAY — NOVEMBER 23, 1952 
10:00 A. M. (Sharp) 

ALL SESSIONS 

CLEVELAND MUNICIPAL AUDITORIUM 



East 6th Street and Lakeside Avenue 



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PITTSBURGH NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Theodore Wright, President 
Houston Dargan, Vice-President 
Katherine Maddox, Secretary 
William Barnett, Treasurer 

RICHMOND NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Russell Keys, Secretary 

SAN FRANCISCO NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Al Thibodeaux, President 
John Flowers, Executive Secretary 
Louise Jacob, Treasurer 
Flossie Ainsworth, Secretary 

SHARON NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Charles Bell, President 
David Truman, Chairman 
Program Committee 

SEATTLE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Lester R. Catlett, President 
James McDaniels, Vice-President 
Wortha Campbell, Vice-President 
Earl George, Secretary-Treasurer 
Eugene Wilkins, Record. Secy. 

ST. LOUIS NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

James Moore, President 
George Griffin, Vice-President 
Hershell Walker, Exec. Secy. 
Mrs. Johnnie Perry, Treasurer 
Wesley Hornsby, Sgt.-at-Arms 

SOUTH BEND NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

Charles Maxwell, Secretary 

TRI-STATE NEGRO LABOR 
COUNCIL 

James Latham, President 
Robert Latham, Vice-President 
Nathaniel Lone, Vice-President 
John Cummings, Vice-President 
J. C. Telfor, Vice-President 
Cornelius Simmons, Vice-President 
Annie L. Streeter, Vice-President 
Viola Brown Administrative Secy. 
LeRoy Peoples, Sec.-Treas. 



Advance Registration 



TO: 



National Negro Labor Council 

410 E. Warren Avenue 

Suites 214, 216 ATTENTION: 

Detroit 1, Michigan Coleman A. Young 

National Executive Secretary 

Enclosed please find a $2.50 registration fee for .... delegate (s) 

to the 2nd Annual NNLC Convention. (Attach list of additional delegates). 



DELEGATE 



ADDRESS 



REPRESENTING 



(♦Delegates may be sent direct from local unions, shops, departments, 
organizations, etc., subject to certification by Local NNLC Council). 



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CIEWLAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
5311 Vlbodlaad Ave* 
Cleveland Ohio ** EX 1-5525? 



Septaafoe» 2ii, i?52 



Dear Member & Friend: 



• Our monthly membership meeting will be held on 
Sunday, September 2Sth from 3s 00 P M* to &00 P*M, at our 
office* 

The Agenda for the meeting will be: 

!• Victory in our jobs campaigns 
a* Sears 
b» May Company 

2*- Next concentration in jobs campaign 
3» 2nd Annual Convention of NHLC 

™h« ^ 0ur n victor y at Sears sho TO what can be accomplished 
when the people are determined that a 30b has to to done and are 
reaay to do xt* 

The Freedom train is picking up s^eam as time goes 
on* Be sure that you are on board to do your share 



«* -. * p l e ase be on tme for the meeting so that we may 
complete our business in the shortest possible time 




Fraternally yours, 

Ethel L« Goodman 
Executive Secretary 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

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WHY DOES BROOKLYN UNION GAS EMPLOY 
ONLY ABOUT 125 NEGRO WORKERS 
OUT OF A WORKING FORCE OF 
4,500? 



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ONLY ONE ANSWER 



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RIMINATION! 



There could be only one answer- to the questions on the front page. 
The answer is that the Brooklyn Union Gas Company practices a policy of 
discrimination against Negro workers. Few Negro workers are hired; Those 
that are hired are employed in only^the most menial, lowest paid jobs. 

IT'S A DELIBERATE POLICY! 

Did it "just happen" that our o;f 4,500 employees only some 125 are 

Broo'SJn'T, • "* ' S l V an . d « W "™'" *<* «« Jar as skilled work is concerned 
Brooklyn Union's policy is a "white only" policy? Is it a "coincidence" that 

■ 65 J^Jih 1 ^^ S ° ^ Ne9r ° V "° rkerS ' a,S ° emP '° yS 0n,y S ° me 

No! It -didn't "just happen." It's no accident, and it's no coincidence. 

THE COMPANY'S RECORD ... 

Broolclyn Unjon has a long record of discrimination against Nearo 

workers.^facX up until ten years ago, it didn't hire any Negroes This 

dTW^ company official several weeks ago Xhen he told a 

delegation^ trade unionists that "the company used to discriminate" but 

hasnt in the lds;t ten years." 

It's timelhe public knew the facts about this company. If the company 
hired a few Negro, workers in the last ten years its because an outraged 
public forced it to. Ten years ago the State Fair Employment Practices 
Commission, under. the pressure of the demands of Negro citizens, and 
other democratic-minded citizens investigated Brooklyn Union. The result 
was that some token hiring of Negro workers took place. But as pointed 
out above, the Negro workers were restricted to a few departments, mainly 
in the plant, at low. paying jobs with no opportunity for advancement. 

Today, not only are the few JNegro workers not given a chance to 
advance, but a large number of them are threatened with loss of jobs as 
a result of the recent conversion to natural gas! ' 

FROM THE HORSE'S MOUTH! 

This is the ACTUAL situation today pnd it is confirmed by none other 
than the pubMcity director of the company, Mr. Allan Smith. In a statement 
to the "AMSTERDAM NEWS" of Saturday, June 28, Mr. Smith said the 
following: . . « . 

"... no indication as v to'rdce* >creed or color is made on the 

employment application , . , It is difficult ... to say how many people 

of a particular 'racial' identity are employed." 

He further went onto say that, he' knows of a Negro employed on 
the T.V. program and several others in two other departments. 

Mr. Smith's statement gives his company away! 

"WINDOW DRESSING" 

Sure, there 'are one or two Negro workers in a few departments, 
that is exactly what the Brooklyn Chapter of the National Negro Labor 
Council has been saying^ in its charges of discrimination against the 

-2- 



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. company. One or two isn't enoi.flB'Tkni'. . * -j _i • j -v . t> 

JUnjL,™ /««! «««««*! Tho b m^tJ.** window dressing and it will no 

- J? 9 -i u 1 ? Y 1 A *U f r ° ok| y" Ch apter of the National Negro Labor 

f> funal has declared the. Brooklyn Union must hire Negro workers In 

L <*J er numbers and in ALL departments. This, the company has refused 

^v>^v^to do and refused to discuss to this date. . v 

A RECORD OF ARROGANCE 

whomT k,y £ Uni ° n u hQS ° ' 0nS r n° rd of c ontempt for the citizens from 
Nea£ cftl»n h""^ en< T° US P«J? ts - ™e blatan" discrimination again™ 
5h?W u^ v ? en sh L ° Wn ' ^?t als °' of the discrimination against 

oeoole Ll ^n" 5 ° f ?°,I ^ 0r0U ? nl The ^ndreds of thousands of Jewish 

this monopoly. When it comes to |obs however, it is a different story. The 
story ,. that there are about 65 Jewish workers employed in the company 
all peopTesT " a9a, " St ^ P e °P le > ads to discrimination agalnS 

JOB DISCRIMINATION; FAST METERS; RATE GOUGING . 

in hm^ n w P -S! y practic f of discrimination against minorities goes hand 

t 1 Wt l h mono P o| y P^fits gouged from all peoples! 
r™ \,f sc ? ndal of fast meters. Did you know^ Mr. and Mrs Gas 

Consumer, that the gas meter in your house is probably running fast- that 

M?v£ BSj- ^ P - yF ^ eXtm m ° ney f ° r n0th ^9 •«"« natual gas 'came 
B lk!ni. > '? Commission re ^ntly reported that 33 per cent of 

B f« » E meters ,r ere runnin 9 faster than the law permitted, 
and Mr. P r V re Qn old «*>■* for this 90s monopoly. Did you know, Mr. 

ss'o^To ^KSrax.r ;jr wor,h iumped f ™ * x ■ 

In other words this monopoly gets rate increases, runs fast meters, and 
ag a ainstr CeS5,Ve P ° f '^ ^^ ° f the Very P e °P le ft discriminates 

This is a record of arrogance. The company is contemptuous of all the 
people in Brooklyn. It is contemptuous of the spirit of the N. Y. State Fair 

foTriH^m"' ?ICeS ACt ' " thinl5S US mon °P 0, y P° sitio " '«oves it immune 

THE PEOPLE OF BROOKLYN THINK OTHERWISE! 

THE PEOPLE OF BROOKLYN WILL MAKE THE FOLLOWING DEMANDS: 



9 



END DISCRIMINATION AGAINST NEGRO WORKERS 

HIRE NEGRO WORKERS IN ALL DEPARTMENTS 

END DISCRIMINATION AGAINST JEWISH WOR«RS 

FULL INVESTIGATION OF FAST METERS, IMMEDIATE REFUNDS 

TO CONSUMERS 



-3- 



* 



• 



Brooklyn' Union Gas Company 
176 Remsen St., Brooklyn 

Gentlemen: :s x % 

I wish to protest against the fact that out of 4,500 em- 
ployees only some* 125 are Negro workers (in menial work), 
and only some 65 are Jewish workers. 
I strongly urge: 

1) Hire Negro workers in all departments 

2) End all forms of discrimination practiced against 
Negro workers, Jewish workers and other minority 
groups. 




Sincerely yours, 



(CUT OUT AND MAIL WITH YOUR GAS BILL) < 



The Brooklyn Negro Labor Council 
Demands * . . 



Brooklyn Union Gas Co* 

END JOB DISCRIMINATION 



t*£g 



WE 



STAND FOR: 



1} 2,000 NEW jobs for Negro Workers 
in Brooklyn 

2) Compulsory FEDERAL FEPC Law 

3) FEPC Clause in all Union Contracts 



FILL IN AND MAIL 



"<fi8* 



► 



-4- 



BROOKLYN CHAPTER 
National Negro Labor Council 
1373 Fulton Street ST 9-581 1 
Brooklyn, N. Y. 

□ I wish to join the Brooklyn Chapter 

D Please send literature and 
other information 



NAME: 



ADDRESS: 



Telephone: 




# 



J>1 



ALL XMF0PJ&TX01 CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



J 



November 7, 1952 



M3MO, SAC: 



cc; 



100-17289 
IOO-I876O 

100-19935 
100-179^7 
100-1166 



(PAMPHLET & PERIODICAL) 100-16390 (BRIEF) 

(PROGRESSIVE PARTY) 100-18572 (LYL) 

(NNLC) 100-17261 (NEGRO) 

(STRATEGY IN INDUSTRY) 100-l61{.63 

(E. C. GREENFIELD) lOO-ij.21 



(POLITICAL) 
(&TJS HALL) 



| furnished the writer on October 3, 1952, b7D 
the following three items of literature: 

1. The August, 1952, issue of the "Ohio 
People's Tribune," Volume 2, No* 9, 
issued by the Ohio Communist Party and 
received by informant September 15* 1952. 
This issue contains articles concerning 
the 1952 election, Progressive Party 
Drive, Cleveland rent control, the labor 
political action committees, the National 
Negro Labor Council, and the LYL* 

2. The September, 1952, issue of the "Ohio 
People ! s Tribune," Volume 2, No. 9, re- 
ceived by informant on September 30, 1952. 
This issue contains articles concerning 
the GITS HALL and E. C. GREENFIELD campaign 
in the State of Ohio, the Fol-Cul Campaign 
against discrimination in the Garfield 
Swimming Pool, the Progressive Party elec- 
tion campaign, the National Negro Labor 
Council, and several articles concerning 
labor. 



3. 



A two page printed paper concerning GUS 
HALL and his candidacy for U. S. Senator 
from Ohio and the E. C. GREENFIELD election 
program and some Communist propaganda in 
the nature of a letter from one 1st Lieu- 
tenant KENNETH L.^ ENOCH of 18 South Osborne 
Street, Youngstown, Ohio, concerning his 
capture by the Chinese People T s Volunteers 
and how well he is being treated by ;bhe ;;"^ 
Communist Army. . |^J^ S 55'!"" 



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v 7 ^" 



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MEMO, SAC: 



file, 



Those t/bree items will be placed in the informant's 



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ALL IHFORHATIOI CONTAINED 

(HEKEIIJ IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW' 



November 10, 1952 



MEMO, SAC: 

cc: 100-17087 (CRC) 

100-231 (FRIEDA KATZ) 

100-17261 (NEGRO) 



| furnished the writer on October 3> 1952, b?D 
with the following items of literature: 



1. 



1 




^ 



I* 







Sffi 



A* one-page mimeographed letter from 
the Ohio Bill of Rights Conference 
dated September 27, 1952, and received 
by informant September 29, 1952, announc- 
ing a meeting of the Ohio Bill of Rights 
Conference on Thursday, October 2, 1952, 
at which time a special report concern- 
ing the trial of the Pittsburgh Smith 
Act subjects would be discussed. This 
letter is signed by FRIEDA KATZ, Executive 
Secretary. 



2. 



A one-page mimeographed leaflet issued by 
the Ohio Bill of Rights Conference, 5103 
« y^ Euclid, Cleveland, received by informant 
/f#r^ ^October 1, 1952, announcing the trial of 
tff* the attackers of M TEASEL WOODEN, a Negro 
**^ 4P& who was beaten by a gang on East 23rd and 
^ Mayfield Road, Cleveland, on July 6, 1952. 

3»^*A mimeographed list of police brutality 
j &>w& cases ^ n Cleveland, all against the Negro 
A* t 4^ people, received on October 2, 19^2, from 
V the Ohio Bill of Rights Conference. 

These items will be placed in the informant's file, 



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SEARCHED INDEXED. ..^ 

NOV X 1952 "" 



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*-\.*™*\: * - •^;'-'^-*'\ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED - 




.HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



e^l^&itite 



•PE'MIO CI-A'C Y 



VQU 2 — '^To. 9 



Issued by, OMo;C6mmunfat' < garty > r2226-R ,55th St., Cleveland. Ohiq 



- -|1riI^iMniie|cl' ' 

fcamfiaign Gets 
Underlay 

=*; The-' Hall-Greenfield election 
campaign, with Cus Hall for U.S. 
, Senator and E. c: Greenfield for 
; Governor,,, finally broke the iron 
curtain of silence of the capital-' 
- istic press. 1 - .*: " i ,. -. 

* This came* about when >- the 
- 'OMtrkept press published a FBI- 
inspired .report announcing * the 
• "amazing" dfccdvery, * that the 
„ Ohio , people's Tribune f 'is being 
.- published. The, stories included 
. statement that OPT 1 had an- 
, .nounced the mall-Greenfield" can- 
^didacles as an "exclusive? V* *>?- 
; .; This lie r was promptly bailed 
; * by E. C Greenfield, -who reminded" 
t the Cleveland Press *ln a pub- 
lished letter ' that; he^hadj been 
sending them campaign" releases 
> /.for months, which>they had cho~ 
■ * ; sen to\ ignore; " ■ * j , ^ .\\, *"•" 
-The Federal, Communications 
* Commission has ordered all ra- 
dio stations to' permit 'the pur- 
chase of radio timefby -the Com- 
munist .Party * as a*. legally, recog- 
('" nized , party;, Nevertheless, ;'many 

* local stations cohtinnue, their pol- 
j ( v icy of refusing to recognize *jur 

* JParty,,\ln the same way^as the J 
| ^capitalistic press'.does. 

I ; -While the fight -for the Party's 
[, legal m and .electoral rights con- 
L ;tinues,Ut Is 'clearlthat the, main 
areliance- must; be placed on our 
; % Town ability' to bring the message 
| ;Of the, -Hall-Greenfield campaign 
L 1 ** the Voters/ ' ,.* >1 * \\. 

\ a Accordingly,- there .are plans to 
\ "' issue and distribute, over 200,000 
ir Ewqes of material to Ohio voters 
, ; >y >elecjiqn^ day>. The , firsfe ma- 
^ ,teriaI'is H already off, the .press arid 
*. £eing distributed-- 'The r^aterlal 

* ;,$o come;, will include some t '80;000 
*• $oples of ' the, ^national and-'state 
< 'election platform - of. the - Commu- 
frpteb Party; in addition, v 'jhe bcto- 
,; ( berl issue\ of > the. Ohio? People's 
k s Tribune will be -a 4 special^ election 
^campaign number * of 'which- an 
< extra. 7,500 copies wiltbe. printed.- 
\ '• Speaking dates fdr^Ev C, Green- 
field ^are^openV^dVreq^ests for* 
J^^aflPftaranfiftAmiiiwbisrtwiwwftii*^ 



' SEPTEMBER, 1952 



if 



An Editorial - - ' :. 

Support the Coop Miners 

September 30* marks the date of „ cancellation of contracts 
between the United Mine. Workers and the coal operators.* The > 
TDMWA has served, not jee it wants a new contract. 
' ,\ T^he capitalist press has been yelling that more production , 
is Hue road to better" wages and conditions for' the workers. 
This He is exposed particularly by the,^ conditions coal, miners , 
find themselves in today., ** *\ ,"; , r"''"; ~ ; 

; Miners,, are suffering because, of overproduction ,o£ t coal. In * 
i the las't- year/ fully 80^000,000 tons of coal 4f h£veVbVeir ^tock6d ^' 
up : — enough to fast^Si days! 1 As a' result, 1 ^production isVnow" 
downrto 6,700,000 tons a- week' compared to io f 100,00pj1ast year. 1 "' 
The average work weekfbas dropped from 33 hours to l 30 hottrs^- 
Wages/^are down *from^$74 weekly to $67: And 41,000^ nuners 

- have ,been .thrown bnt of *^work- within, the ^past "yeah * -s - >* . A* 
4 ;^ With ^he.rlfemg: cost, of ^li^ngr=mmers desperately need -a 
subs^ntial; wage' increased and/ other Contract improvements. 

- Tljeir ^move"; ta 'wht^these^things ^merits; the^f ul£ support , of iall 
IaoorV v> '-,* "• * \'-'\' l/ ,y -* ~ ' \'f , -;\*, ""''. -' ' •' ' * 

. \ * A£ the same time, the^ coalf operators, can be expected to 
try to use the huge coal 'surpluses as^ar, club. i# to ^smash. down* 
the miners'^, demands, to rid themselves *qt;iher^urplus;/ahd -,to 
hijack the, country^ forja price* increase^*^ey:a^n; v b.e!]expected 
tq.folldw the^patterif laid down by ihe^ steetfbarons^ with .whom 
they are closely* 'allled/f , " . '.^/ri'v.V' i "•';',' ' ' 

; ;i,4^ays J X3T.,S..News;and,World.^epprt: ( !pperators. might find - 
^ s^lke ,of a month' or two to"; their advantage.^ could, balance . 
supply and demand and bring a>rice increase.'? And ^William x 
S.bPaley,^Chairman"of "the president's Materials Policy' Com- '■ 

t mission, says. "The .problem (in cbal) is '■, to reduce costs 'so 

' as to/make, coal- more competitive ..." ; 7 V; ' '-- " 

; N The danger cpi^rontUig ^he coal miners is ^plear: the. 

operators wiU^ try ^o force, a long, ■ drawn-oat strike to'defeat* 

or^ curtail % the ^union's demands, -to eliminate their surpluses, 

'and. to force a vprice' hikel Paley's statement makes, it. plain, 

',that,thetoperator^ n will/enjby,,the full sympathy ^and* support •■ 
ofithe AKministration., Cr lAi: r ^- v ^ v * - •''-?'*" r 
i; , n It aliadds^up^o\thisrlike the steclworkers, onlytmore'so, 

:the;miners are: in! for fa long, .hard struggle. Xike ;the steel-" 
workers' strike,"this:iop wiirbe^o ordinary (strike; [And/' as : 

Wve ^ victory is?possible Vj only?r by -developing 'the ' max^mm^ 
united labor acti6n?ahd ! ^ solidarity in tirnei * ; ' x ''.'"' 
V ^An?'^ TIME; doeW; not iaeari waiting to see how long a 
strjKe might last^ as;wasl the case'in steeVJt nieans beginning 
to organize" an^raUy/all : bVrsuM^ before any 

sfrik** develppV ^;that 1s,<before September 30,whenHhe^coiw 

■;,tracts explre;^/^ **%.:*';' X>» ' '- ""/^ > v "\ ** .^, \* , 
v ti^^4 nean s thousands 'of resolutions -of support ' ; frbm. ah , 
local -nnions NQWf It ^neans seating 1 up/' Suppbrt-the-Miners 
Committees in; local unions, -mass organizations" and communis 
ties; jNOW. It, means apolitical action to. place' every;; Congress ^ 

vSlonal;candidate,on record t NOW- -r-*,f or or" against th^ nihlers, ' 
for . or against Taf t-Hartrey . repeal, etc,' V. ^ , ' f ^- r tr \ 

~A i $ nch - a/widespread;|prganized; mass j&Ilying/of all'lab6r*sV 
forces ;can -defeat the antiunion schemes>of. the operators'. It 
can,help the miners winf a quick anddecisive'Victor^ andV if ef- - 

* - ^?Mf e,eh?ugh*/ -Could -cohceivablyt-helpV the" miners jirlrf. their* 



•? 



Mrs. Bass, P. K Candidate/ 
Stirs (^liBVfjfand People 

As a result of the impr£^ferited Response of Clevelandeis ' 
to the week-end ^isitof,Mrs. v $iariottaf, Bass, Progressive Party 
Vice-Presidential candidate^ l$h inonfh^ the* Progressive Party 
of OHid has armotuie'ed ^ali^iut legaj and -mass campaign to 
~* " '• ; , . -^itwht a place t for the - Progressive 
OhlO Colleaefi * X ?arty ticket of ,Vacent/HalUnan> 
" J**vi*cy ca- ■ -j ^ j^^ Bass on,the Ohio bal- 

Coll for Fight f<?™-;^ , ' ,> ^'-.: v .:-, - . 

• \ "■ '..;>i.. 1 ui' On Friday of. lier visIt.Mrs. Bass -^ 

Vc AAr^/irfKvicm niet.in.theaftefnooh-withanum- 

v> iwicvar^fiyisin^p^'o^i^e^-of th ^ Negr9 , com . . 

-The rising tide 6f - pn^fflSftdrt ■'f aa ^h ■"? D 5W t »l?5 s . 6l ' ^° 
reaction and McCarthyism'Jn.^H3P^V T ^? - >-- . e^tors- of . two 
Unite'd ^States- ha^'led; '' , amoo2F ? ^^^ pw,er ^ 3Ch the evening 
other things, ,tq ierious inroad^ s^^et/wito Progressive Party,, 
on intellectual freedom^'in pint ^Z ^ ? e ?? ers ^ ' *, " ^ . ,' 
colleges and'universitiesoTh'eloy-' ^ dn ; Saturday^," despite" cloudy 
a 1 1 y oaths; • the > screening s of skies- and" a -pouring ' rain,' over 
speakers, . the rigid ^censoring ;;,c4miree/ ^hundred; Clevejan^ers and , 
student activities,! the dismtesai^fjvlsitprs '.from : -bttier^Ohip^ cities 
teachers who , hold ' miorihpdoic attended < a~ gafderi; party" In < her 
views*— these and other su'cbl ac^^nbr^l^rthftrjsvening^she was "< 
tiqns have reached > such- a^ppint^ ■ ■4nter|awed*.'by .the hews .editor 
that they have- begun , to evo%oS ^^ Ty^Statidh-^SBEWghon.afif- 
very ^widespread 'alarm.; "an^fe^Tt^eri-mihute. program HeMa^Tiyrf 
sentmerifc.- -,'-/- ='-' t ; Oan.-; estimated^ ;i00,000; Ohio lis- 

;This was already evident"in ihe^Pher^r ^ ' : ' ,'-..*■;" ' 
tremendous wave of, protest "whfchB ^ =♦' :. ' '-" .- 

followed' the screening : of speaker^???- WORSHIPPERS ' USTEN ; , 
atphip State University a- num^|^6n^3unday ( mornin v g, Mrs;3ass i 
ber of months ago. Todays ^new^jwas .presented^ "to nearly^ three* 
even more po'werf iu^wave ^of >ro^itiu>usandAw6rshippers at^theAn- 
.tesb4s beginning, to 'emerge^romuidch; Bethany and'GreaterAbys-' 
the colleges -themselves, 'par ticu^J^niah Baptist Churches. On Sun- 
lady here In ;ohio. , 4 \/ ^ ^feay afternoon, ihe ^as the fea- 
*' *6berlin' takes UP ^ ^4tM?e^Csp„eaker at^a picntc^spon- 

- Oberlln College; m * a ^ recent 1 3tnittee ^ °^ *^ e international .Work- 
statement unanimously . adopted fP^' Qt ^/ She^ was^ t Introduced 
by its faculty, of 200 teacher^.py M^s* Pa ^ne Taylor, IWO Na- 
^aS'cklled-on^e.yery u ^ "American/U-v 'fjonal Board member-and r jChair-„ . 
niver^ity- and- -college to^al3' , 'il*W. ot -the 1 progressive iPart^ of, ' 
strong ..and uncompromising l de-|Wo* and was heard' by; oyer, 50p 
fehse'r of freedom of thoughtrex^^^^-^ »- 'C '' **". > ;^ : . 
pression.,and, : instruction -on. thefLie^i,;*^'^*-^ «^«™« v 
campus: J ' \ ; ";-'?.' .' ^^^ ttTE P ( ^W°? CACHED 
_• Defendinpr the .right' to: 'disseriC^;^ thecours^of, the -week-end, 

and castigating 'the cirxTjVnth 

thought control and^ witchrhunt- -i 
ing; drives: : the - 'statement- ~de4 

"When the& (the ' f aculteiV[ 
experiments ^ahd ; : the \pi J 



jis- estimated.- that hearly ^00,- , . 1 

O^Ohiaans saw, heard, and read i 

iQuf^Mrs-.^ Bass* candidacy' and '■"• 
'e Progressive Party's peace' pro-. ; 

*" '' highlight ' of,her : visit I 




-•■'* A f%f' ..• }• • ■' •'' 




¥.: ^ 



'ILL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 
-HEEEIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02 = 09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMCT 



Me ?IN Q P I e r s T %HBS 



j- 



F , O JR P EA C £ ^ H : p D E M(. 



" : August,, 1952 



Vol. 2 — No. 9 



Issued by Qhio Communist Party, 2226 E. 55th St, Cleveland. Ohio ; 



lowl Rebuffs 



tCLEVELAND *— The member- 
ship ^ of Republic Local 1157 
United Steel Workers of America 

* gave their ; answer to bistrict Di- 
rector .William "Donovan in the 

' local elections last. month. Read- 
ers will: recall Donovan as the 
man who told a delegation of 
Negro workers, "I am going to 
use my double-barreled shotgun 
to clean out these committees 
who\are complaining about dis- 
crimination/' 

Until '' this month" Local 1157 

with, two-thirds Negro member- 

- ship had been* run by ran all- 

* white , clique * under president 
"George Corfigan, one of Dono- 
van's henchmen. An "* aroused 
membership repudiated Corrigan's 
bid for re-election by a 2 to 1 
vote and threw out his incumbent 
henchmen In the bargain- Cor? 

,rigan got only 255 out of about 
900 total votes iast.for the presi- 
dency. 

An inter-racial slate, led. by 
John Brezina, president, of the 
Local when it was first', formed, 
was swept into office. Three Ne- 
groes were elected fo office. The 
Negro candidate for vice-president 
Levi Morrison, received the high- 
est vote of any Candidate — 573, 
In addition a 'Negro was elected 
..as Outside Guard and another as 
a t Trustee. * - £ 

" The main points the slate head- 
eq\,by Brezina campaigned on, re- 
flecting the sentiment 1 " 5 of the 

, membership. and-the^relfie^t^trug^ 
gles that had taken place in the 
local, were: a return to the fight- 
ing spirit of the early years , of 
the local;- democracy jn union, 
meetings .and. ae^condu^t^f^L^- 
cal affairs; and honesty in 'the 

«> Handling of * union" funds. But, 

■ most important of all, this slate 
was the, only slate with ^Negroes 
on it having. a total of five Ne- 

l groes running for the executive 
board. \ < ; 

Important advances in Negro 
' unity made the Negro 'vote , the 

decisive factor in the election, 
.Approximately 300;,to . 350* Ne r 

groes, voted and voted* as arjaloc." 



Art 'Editorial . : : * % 

1952 Elections and the Fight 
For^eace? and Progress : 

The- central question, facing the American people is 
; peace. Bui neither of the two* major, parties .has put for- 
'* ward a Presidential ticketjor program, to meet, this most 
urgent national heed. *~ *' * - ( * 

The Republicans and ; JDemocrats have put forward 
' candidates for? President who are inore* alike than dif- 
ferent. ^-, , r \ ^ ^. ■ . . 

Both are committed to the* same ruinous, war-making 
^foreign- poUcy*rwMch -has ^bguedpuxs country since the 
] present 'White House occupant oyerthrew FpR's policy 
': p£ peace and friendship 'With- the USSR'. Both; are com- , 
emitted "to essentially„ihe same : domestic policy- of suhser- 
^vience to the inter ests r of, the BilHonajrejChib. ^ 
* "': -For 'this reason] both candidates are dangerous to the 
' welfare o£ v the American people/ Neither offers a choice 
% so long as they adhere to" the present disastrous, foreign 
\ andjdomestic paUcies.^. vy , l , * a \ . ^^U/,w*j.f**w^*C.«attf^ 

What, Big Business has, done in the>two old party 
^conventions is to put forward "new faces", — all- the 
( "better"" to carry out the same old : policies; And to~em- 
f phasize the point that the same ^eactionaryx policy will 
\ remain, insofar as Wall Street can help it, Vice-Presiden- 
*tial candidates were nominated] whose reactionaryism^is 
^ very* well-known. * * „' *• V", ' , * " ; 

Nixon,* the GOP candidate, 
; is a prime driving force be-' 
. hind the reactionary nysteria 
and legislation which has 
t shrouded ourtfand. Sparkman, 
, .the* Pemcoratic , aspirant," is 
*, a* *;white supremacist^ Dixie- : 
*"crat of -long standing^' " ^ _^ 

American people have no op- *nn,n« * «««-.i„*^-.t -> £.„„ 

sportunity* 1^1952 40 record' a 

, mandate for peace and -pro- 
egress ^ through : votitag for, 

r jeither -jPr^dentfcil t|ckefc ,'of 

fihe iwo^-major parties^ 

r- \ Only a huge^votelEor Halli- k 

\) nan and Bass," the Presiden- 

.- tiai ^eace Tipket .of the Pro- 
gressive Party,.— and; in Ohio 

4 ,a": huge write-in, vptej '— can . 

^ r express, a real mandate for, 
peace and democracy) " which 

;-* will 'echb^and, re-echo, in the 

\, White House aft»',the!No- 

i I' vemberrelectionsr • " - 



from their - own experience. 
'Once great masses learn new 
lessons, they move rapidly 
and irresistably* in new di- 
rections for progress — pro- 
L vided the advanced forces, in- 
cluding the - Communists*, are 
at hand ^respected' enough to 



While consistent '. peace- 
fighters seek every possible 
way to advance a the Hallinan-^ 
Bass and Hall-Greenfield 1 
tickets, to" roll up the highest 
possible' write-in:^Vote, ^they v 
'should" 1 do so in a^way which 
does not isplate them from 
the. great mass of laboring 
. folk, and ' the Negro people. , 

.Communists^ aiid progresT, 
/sives generally, should 'work 
and fight* with the hundreds 
of. thousands , T of ordinary . 
votera ; who still express .them- 
selves through the ,'GOP. and 




Peace Mm® 



' : '/ ■ By ^d Chicaio- on; July 4&te 

-v> More than 150 Ohioans % Progressive; Party. : Tne:y\ 
the historic 'Peace Conyehtioint es irora all P^^°£ 15* ' *■ 
joined with more than. 250a ^. turning' lapin* for the . 
country determined to makt^t forlpeace anli^eedom* 
American people, who dream : ^ /xulsbet Worker s irom 

/ Steel workers froni. Yqu-t '-^r r ^" ^* 

Akron, Negro electrical striker£ rs declare,- ^is touring to >,«» 
from Dayton, auto workers, iai*-i e , t Ohio .tife/ central issue 
mers, machinists, .housewives, JNe^ ace through their peace pe-r . 
gro' and -white, old and young a The petition; Points .out to 
from 18 Ohio cities went "' tQt^Chi-^opfc- that the la T v p J oW ^ 
cago according' to published re> r ^iiinan-pass -ticket irom- 
ports by PP officials. At a stat^aring.on^he ballot, taus^iis- 
caucus ^meeting .there, Ohio dfeje^chising thousands .oc.pnin- , 
gates unanimously- agreed to se- f r om the ballot. ; ^ v . 
cure more than 10,000. &eua^u&j hA .£t 1 r& itself t a -mighty hi- 
on PUT PEACE ON-THB'BAL^^^op'xiiass^P^e^tte otl 
LOT petiUons b^I«bw;Da^J.,V^^te^6au^7-^»^ efcl ^* 
^,The tremendous 1 ' *entliusinan "^ importantly" w ^^£ | t 
the delegation noted" by this oVigt for^ peace* to ^^Xsire 
server at the convention undl^le; ^ea f ^T^f + S v ev issue 
scores the vital importance w&|£(ttu>fce that, issue tne -.jus* 
large groups of^ Ohioans attadmhe .election campaiBn. 



w m . ^ ,_ # T^ .weeks^after- the' 

|A nd^a,;hug e ^ *^ei^j^delegatip^^''' gTT 



jjaisap 



to the struggle for peace. Therel om munists and^advancea pr 
is' 1 a growing understand!n1«J^es 'campaigning t ™ x J. 
among Ohio Progressives that thjPidacies" of * OV? HaU for w» 



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voice of the- people for peace wilT^s. Senate, and B. p. ^ o bt- 
be ^expressed in many ways /idldif or "Governor, wm unaouuir- 
the current election campaign,-iy; recognize; the- vital rqie i w 
Prominent "among" tiiese, \ will' beMpiogressive Party's ca ?*^ 
the Peace Ballot Campaign, v iEhe " present' elections iooi^s 

Ohio has a particularly dlfft^ards^he ^ulatipn ot. a a 
cult ballot Situation /in' wftchoUttcal rc;alignment ^ ; ,ww. °* 
half a million signatures are. wtapd*:V , : ,*t. ' •'" "v *'~~&\ 
quired to place ^third p^y o^xa^^^^W^^ 
the- baUot,--a feat almost^^gdTarenas 1 hiVthe elff ion cam 
sible of attainmeht, Progressive^ign, progressives will "cogm^ 
Party leaders have undertaken **& only.genume alternauye pr^- 
: legal fight to:wm*baUbtpriviM d edm-toe;^aUinan-Bass^ 

leges and alsb'a chanw^-tiartdi^Wg^^^^OT 
present Ohio ballot which -makettb^the^pUT. PEA°J _ U .^L ohi6 
it difficult ^and^-does'; not .recog/BAXipT CAMPAIGN ol,«» umo 
nize write-in voting. . -, . " -progressiye Party^ 
Their main election tactic, PP- 



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FORMATION COHTAIHED 

;hekeii T3 unclassified 

DATE 02-03-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMCT 




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ALL INFORMATION COMTAIHED 

HERE II IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/COT 



CTEVELAM), OHIO 



W0V171952 



MEMO,,, SAC 

100-19424 

100-18776 

100-14899 

100-9759 

100-231 

100-17033 



BERMAH", NETTA 
DEBTIS, MYRTLE 
GOODMAN, ETHEL 
MAGEDOYITZ, AM 
KATZ, ERIEDA 
EREITBER, EREIDA SMITH 



100-19797 ROBERTS, SARAH 

100-19462 ROTHE&BERG, MILDRED 

100-15197 WHERRY, MARGARET 

100-18760 PROGRESSIVE PARTY 

jLGG*20073 SOJOURNERS EOR TRUTH 

AND JUSTICE 

100-17261 UEGRO 



n j. - -,« The following IS the verbatim ratm-H: n-pf 

dated 10-15-52 received by SA | _ I ™ \n~vf-*?, 

The original will be found as Serial 



J^L.o£ 



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"Cleveland, Ohio 
October 15, 1952 

i'9^ 2$°^^n 7 ^ 19 5?» at 2 -' PM a Tea was given at Sarah Roberts 
5? IhfJ-iS 9 ?; ? em] S S Avenue, by the Progressive Party in honor 
££ Simily-GrahamT&uRois.. Twenty five people were present, among 



those recognized were, Preda Katz, Margaret 
Nettie Berman, Sara^ £<->*»«■*»+<= t,,!^ t.«s„^ 
Goodman, Ereda Erie 
Masetovitz, Shirley 



tie Dennis, 
te^er, Ethel 

.urn, 

'SZttfgr&- solo 



ytZ^^vxi,*, oniriey, G-ranam, a BessieMItcTIeTrT?trc 
?of+ a v^ es l&.? a ^ l ast name Tillman, who also sang. A negro "woman 

be a sli^ f^-iSoS^^f? 2 ' and Margaret decided that nothing would 
§Ski frilnds^wi^ p ?£ pl £ .^ey^wlnted to 

the organist S si. jlSel Chulih? Mrtchell > the SHUmso. man, and 

tnf§!mj^ different in 

vote for Hallinan arifl^ni^ ^v,S +5 les ana g-sked all negroes to 

to Europe and how the African people were figh?Sg 1or?reSomf 



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"and how some woman through herself accross the tracks of a 

train to prevent the train from passing with ammunition. She spoke 

of her husvand being twenty years younger than his age, and about 

their home they bought, and the trees they wanted to plant 

in the yard, . While Tea was being served any one who wanted was 

to ask ^questions, but no one seemed to have wanted to find out 

anything. Every one sat around chating as women do saying 

nothing of importance. " 



. ^ , ^Care^should be used. in disseminating the 
above information to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the 
identity of the informant. 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
IRE IN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 
'ATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
October 15, 1952. 



On October 7 1 1952 at 2:P.M. a Tea was given at Sarah Roberts * 
ho#e at 9910 Kempton Avenue, by the Progressive Party in honor of 
Shirly Graham DuBois. Twenty five people were present, among those 
recognized were, Freda Katz, Mafcgaret Wherry, Myrtle Dennis, Nettie 
Berpm, Sarah Roberts, Julia Brown, Winifred Sheller, Ethel Goodman, 
Freda Krietner, Mil Rothenberg, Lil Tennenbaum, Ann Magetovitz, Shirley 
Graham, a Bessie Mitchell who sang a solo and a negro man last name 
Tillman, who also sang. A negro woman last name Willis, a new member of 
the Sojourners. Also a negro woman the organist of St* James Church. 

Sarah/ Mil Rothenberg, and Margaret decided that nothing would 
be said to incriminate as there were a few people they wanted to make 
friends with, such as Bessie Mitchell, the Tillman man, and the organist 
in St. James Church. 

Sarah introduced Shirley, she said there was no different in the 
Democratic and Republican parties and ask all negroes tb vote for Hallinan 
and Bass, and that they were the only ones to bring delibration to the 
negroes. After that she spoke of her trips to Europe and how the African 
people were fighting for freedom, and how some woman through herself 
accross the tracks of a train to prevent the train from passing with 
ammunition. She spoke of her husband being twenty years younger than his 
age, and about their home they bought, and the trees they wanted to plant 
in the yard. While Tea was being served any one who wanted was to ask 
questions, but no one seem to have wanted to find out anything. Every 
one sat around chating as women do saying nothing of importance. 



f 7 



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s, 



P.O.Box 2271, 

Brooklyn Statioii, 






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MiFTlf TCf jlffl JHTfTFTj 

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ALL DIFORIIATIOH CONTAINED 

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 ET 60324UCBAWSB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio 



Hovember 



->0, 



1952 



MEMO, SAC 

100-9265 
65-721 • 
100-9759 
IOO-30I17 

100-231 



HABER, WILLIAM 
KRCBMAREK, AHTHOHY 
MAGEDOVIIZ, A1-I1T- 
MILGRIM, SAM 
KATZ, FRIEDA 



100-237 

100-Ll602 

100-15908 

100-17087 

100-611 



KATZ, DAVE 
SMID, JIM 
WELTS, JAMES 
C «RoC . 
I.W.O. 



The following is the ver batim report of 
10-20-52, received by SA 



The original memo will be round as Serial %l of 



dated 
on 10-23- ^P, 



b6 

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Cleveland, Ohio, 
October 20, 1952 



"On Saturday at 9:P.M. October 11, 1952, Dave Katz picked up 
vJulia Brown to go to the Air-port to meet S imon^Qe r son and Isldor 
<%egun who were coming here on the 10:30 PI ane from STTr Loui s . 

> i mini" ' "~ 

* ! 0n the way to the airport with Dave T s daughter in the car, 

Dave told Julia he had to stop at I^th and Prospect Aven ue T s 

to pick up a friend who had a three hour stop over in Cleveland 

on his way back to Hew York where he lives, the man was traveling 

by train. Dave waited for about ten minutes, and picked him 

up at the appointed time, he was introduced as Sara Mil grim 

he holds an office in the I.H.O., Dave said and is also a 

member of the comnunist party. Sain went in the car to the airport 

to meet the plane. After the four arrived at the airport, Dave 

found Freda, James wells, Bill Eaber, and Mxi Magetovits in 

the restaurant, Ami was almost crying and cussing and so was 

Freda, they started telling about the meeting at the Bohemian 

Hall on Broadway where Anthony Kirchmerek spoke on his trip 

to Europe, 

"Freda spoke of a crowd of pieketts led by women screaming and 
yelling stormed the hall and preventing Anthony from speaking. 
Freda said she asked Capt. Ungvary to stop the noise and he 
told her he didlT^t unstand hep, Freda said a fist fight started 
when a man hit Jim Smid in the face, but was broken up by the 
police. Freda said when she was leaving Unvargy told her to go 



1MB; eyyj/ 





"home she said "To hell you say". Ann said she wanted to 
fight but no one "bothered her. Jaraes VJells said he was the 
only negro at the meeting, and he was just waiting for some 
of the sos and so D.P. T s to hit him, so he could let them 
have it. After that conversation every one went out to the 
plane and met Simon and Isidor. On leaving the airport 
Eill took ^am in his car to the train, Simon Isidor, Preda 
and Julia went in James car, x>rith James driving, Dave took his daugh- 
ter in his car, everyone went to the Hollenden Hotel where 
Simon and Isidor had a double room, the two men were left at 
the Hotel. On the way to the Hotel Simon wanted to know what 
Freda had done to advance the Rally, as far as the money was con- 
cerned, he said he hoped it would be a much 1-arger turn out than 
i$ has been in the other cities they had been, but he. would split 
wi-ch Preda fifty fifty. Simon wanted to know what gains the 

Civil Rights had made here in Cleveland, Preda said there were 

few gains, but they were working on a lot of cases such as the Wooden 

case, and Police brut ailit y cases. 

"Prom the Hotel Ann and Bill went to Fred's and Julia was put 
off at home. 



•& •& 



Care should be used in disseminating the 
above information to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the 
identity. of the informant,. 







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-2- 







ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED * 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 20, 1952. 



On Saturday at 9*P.M. October 11,1952, Dave Katz picked up Julia 
Brown to go to the Air-port to meet Simon Gerson and Isidor Begun who 
were coming here on the 10*30 plane, from St. Louis. 

On the way to the airport with Dave*s daughter in the car, Dave told 
Julia he had to stop at 4th and Prospect Avenue's to pick up a friend 
who had a three hour stop over in Cleveland on his way back to New York 
where he lives, the man was traveling by train. Dave waited for about 
ten minutes, and picked him up at the appointed time, he was introduced as 
Sam Milgrim he holds an office in the I.W.0.,Dave said and is also a 
member of the comminust party. Sam <went in the car to the airport to meet 
the plane. After the four arrived at the airport, Dave found Freda, James 
"/fells, Bill Haber, and Ann Magetovitz in the resturant, Ann was almost 
crying and cussing and so was Freda, *they started telling about the meet- 
ing at the Bohemian Hall on Broadway where Anthony Kirchmerck spoke on 
his trip to Europe > 

Freda spoke of a crowd of picketts led by women screaming and ye lite 
ing stormed the hall and preventing Anthony from speaking. Freda said 
she asked Capt.Unvargy to stop the noise and he told her he didn't un- 
stand her, Freda said a fist fight started when a man hit Jim Smid in the 
face, but was broken up by the police. Freda said when she was leaving 
Unvargy told her to go straight home, and she called him a scum and 
spat on the floor. Ann said when he told her to go homw she said "To hell 
you say". Ann said she wanted to fight but no one bothered her. 



r -2- 

James Wells said he was the only negro at the meeting, and he was just 
waiting for some of the so and so D.Pis to hit him, so he could let 
them have it. After that conversation every one went out to the plane 
and met Simon and Isidor#. On leaving the airport Bill took Sam in his 
car to the train, Simon Isidor, Freda and Julia went in James car, with 
James driving, Dave took his daughter in his car, every one went to the 
Hollenden Hotel where Simon and Isidor had a double room, the two men 
were left at the Hotel 4j$#«^ 

v^^jgM#W^^#^#. On the way , to the Hotel Simon wanted to know 
what Freda had done to advance the Rally, as far as the money was con- 
cerned , he said he hoped it would be a much larger, turn out than it has , 
been in the other cities they had been, but he would split with Freda 
fifty fifty. Simon wanted to know what gains the Civil Rights had made 
here in .Cleveland. , Freda said there were few gains, but they were work- 
ing on a lot of cases such as the Wooden case', and Police brutaility 
cases . , 

From the Hotel Ann and Bill went to Fred's and Hulia was put off 
at home* 



i 




«"■'*. 



# 



ILL IIFOEttATIOI COHTAIHED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



MEMO, SAC 

100-1^899 Goodman, Ethel (Jennings) 100-1 72 6l 

100-20087 Jennings, lucelius 100-19935 

100-19^33 Bomig, Florence IOO-I7267 

100-1*573 Washington, Bert IOO-I726* 



Cleveland, Ohio 
November 17, 1952 



Negro 

National Negro Labor Council 

International 

Women 



The follo wing is the verbatim r eport of[ 
1952 received "by SA 



original memo will be 'found as serial 



I dated October 31, ^ 
on November 5. 1952. The 



* * &\ 



Of 



"Cleveland, Ohio 
October 31st, 1952 

"On Tuesday October 28th 1952 at *:P # M. a delegation of eight 
people from the Negro labor Council 'attended a showing of Films in 
Erife Pennsylvania, invited by Lepir^Davis head of the N.L.C. in Erie. 
The Films were a showing of SouCh African communist in a uproar and 
fighting;, the korean war and the first meeting of the Council in 
Cincinnatti. In a truck driven by Maxj^Yoiing were Ethel Goodman, and 
Julia Brown, in a car owned and driven ~by Bert Washington, but did not 
leave Cleveland until 6:p.M. were lee Morgan, Florence fiomig, C.l # 
Jennings , and a young negro women who has been here from Chicago for 
about nine months, is very active in the I«L t C. here, and had connection 
with the trade unions in Chicago, she id brown skin, with dark brown 
eyes, black hair 5ft 3in», 25years of age. 

"Leon introduced Ethel to a crowd of about forty people, she 
told the story of Sears & So buck's victory in getting jobs for negro 
women she told the people in Erie to apply the same method and they 
would have ^success. After Bert arrived he was introduced by Leon, he 
told, the same story of the Sear's victory, and ask for as many people in 
Erie to attend the National Convention here on the 21-22-and 23rd of 
November. Bert introdeced Florence Bomeg as recording secretary, and 
Julia as Treasurer. 

"L^ml introduced a white man holding some office in the U.E # , 
local as Hen^jff Byan, no speech. After the picture , which was shown to 
make money* for the Negro Council, with an admission fee of 50 cents, and 
a collection of fourteen dollars taken up, C # L. Jennings went back with 
his wife Ethel in the truck, and Julia went in his place in the car, 
everyone being tired went to sleep , no conversation of importance ." 



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to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
flEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

ATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBMI/SB/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 31st, 1952. 



On Tuesday October 28th 1952 at 4:P.M. a delegation of eight 
people from the Negro Labor Council attended a showing of Films in 
Erie Pennsylvania , invited by Leon Davis head of the N.L.C. in Erie, 
The Films were a showing of South Africanacommunist in a uproar and 
fighting, the koreansw&az and the first meeting of the Council in Cin- 
cinnati. In a truck driven by Maxie Young were Ethel Goodman, and 
Julia Brown, in a car ownaddand driven by Bert, Washington, but did not 
leave Cleveland until 6:p.M. were* Lee Morgan, Florence Romig, C.L. 

Jennings, and a young negro women who has been here from Chicago for 
about nine months, is very active in' the N.L.C. here, and had connection 
with the trade unions in Chicago, she id brown skin, with dark brown 
eyes, black hair 5ft 3in., 25years of age. 

Lepn introduced Ethel to a crowd of ^about forty people, she told 
the story of Sears & Robuck's victory in getting jobs for negro women 
she told the people in Erie to apply the same method and they would have 
success. After Bert arrived he was introduced by Leon, he told the same 
story of the Sear's victory, and ask for as many people in Erie to attend 
the National Convention here on the 21-22-and 23rd of November. Bert in- 
trodeced Florence Romeg as recording secretary, and Julia as Treasurer. 

Leon introduced a white man holding some office in the U.E. local as 
Henry Ryan, no speech. After the picture , which was shown to make money 
for the Negro Council, with an admission fee of 50 cents, and a collection 
of fourteen dollars taken up, C.L. Jennings went back with his wife ft 
Ethel in the truck, and Julia went in his place in the car, every A being 
tired went to sleep , no conversation of importance. 

t.ft.&JL. 



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P, 0, Box 2271 



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Cleveland 5, Ohio, 






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ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBA1/5B/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio 
November 17, 1952 



MEMO SAC 



100-15911 Clark, Sallie 
100-18776 Dennis, Myrtle 
100-20565 Green, Anna 
100-19797 Roberts, Sarah 



100-8850 Turner, Mary 

100-15197 Wherry, Margaret 

100-20073 Sojourners for Truth and Justice 

100-17261 Negro 



1952 received by s4 



The follo wing is the verbatim r eport of 



memo will be found as serial D$ of |_ 



dated November 3« 



on November 12, 1952 



b6 

The original b ^ D 



"Cleveland, Ohio 
"Nov. 3, 1952. 

"On Sunday at 6:00 PJi. November 2nd, 1952 a Sojourners for Truth 
& Justice meeting was held at Myrtle Pennis home, 8711 Quincy Street ,, Ten 
people^were present, Myrtle Dennis, Sarah Roberts, Laur|^Fell, Mary Turner, 
Sadie Maffick, Margaret Wherry, Julia Brown, Anna Green, Sallie Clark, and 
Corr ine^Barras » 

i 

"The meeting was to elect officers for the coming year. Sarah 
Roberts was reelected President, Myrtle Vice-President, Mary Willis was 
elected Secretary, and Julia was re-elected Treasurer. Three dollars and 
seventy-five cents was taken up for dues, with forty-seven dollars and 
seventy cents in the treasure, faking a total of fifty-one dollars and 
forty-five cents in the treasure for the Sojourners. 

Myrtle read a letter from a woman in Dayton, Ohio signed Anne Hill, 
she wanted to organise a Sojourners there and wanted material and one of 
the Sojourners to help her organize* 

Sarah asked Julia to find out what the Negro Labor Council wanted 
the sojourners to do to help in the National Convention on the 21st, 22nd and 
23rd of November, 1952. Sarah said the N. L. C. and Sojourners were sisters 
and brothers fighting for the same. After the meeting was over Julia and 
Sallie went to James Wells party." 

Care should 'be used in disseminating the above information to para- 
phrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



Hffi:,1iab^^6 



SEARCHED . 

SERIALIZED £v*J ^0 

MOV 1? 1952 

FBI -<;> 



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ll inforhation cohtaihed 
:eeih is unclassified 

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Cleveland, Ohio ♦ 
Cte4*ate§**^&, 1952. 



i 



On Sunday at 61P.M. November 2nd, 1952 a Sojourners for Truth & 
Justice meeting was held at Myrtle Dennis home W 8711 Quincy Street, 
Ten people were present, Myrtle Dennis, Sarah Roberts, Laura Fell, 
Mary Turner, Sadie Raffick, Margaret Wherry, Julia Brown, Anna Green, 
Sallie Clark, and Corrine Barras* 

The meeting was to elect officers for the coming year. Sarah Roberts 
was reelected President, Myrtle Vice-President, Mary Willis was elec- 
tedcSecretary, and Julia was re-elected Treasurer. Three dollars and 
seventy- five cents was taken up for dues, with forty- seven dollars and 
seventy cents in the treasure, making a total of fiftyOone dollars and 
forty- five cents in the treasure for the Sojourners. 

Myrtle read a letter from a woman in Dayton, Ohio signed Anne Hill, 
she wanted to organize a Sojourners there and wanted material and one 
of the Sojourners to help her organize ♦ 

Sarah asked Jul&£ to find out what the Negro Labor Council wanted 
the sojourners .to do to help in the National Convention on the 2ls%,22nd 
and 23rd of November, 1952- Sarah said the N.L.C* and Sojourners were 
sisters and brothers fighting for the same. After the meeting was over 
Julia and Sallie went to James Wells party. 



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P.O.Box 22[1, 
Brooklyn Station, 






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ALL IHFOEMATION COMTAIHED 

HEKEIH 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio 
November ILl, 1952 



MEMO, SAC 

100-231 

100-17261 

100-17269 



KA.TZ, FRIEDA 

IEGRO 

DOMESTIC 



The following is the verbati m report of 

dated October 10, 1952, received by SA | 

on October 13, 19 52. The origin al memo will be found as 
Serial Jif ofl 



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t? On October, 6th 1952 at 11 :A. M. Freda Katz, Julia 
Brown and Nathan iel^f&oo den attended the Baptist Ministers 
Alliance at 7,9 th & Quincy Avenue, by the permission of the 
minister Rev.tfllili* when they arrived it was -found the meeting 
did not take place until 1: o 1 clock, Nathaniel left for work 
at 12:30 o'clock, leaving Julia and Preda there. Preda and 
Julia had to sit through the meeting, before they could present 
their case to the ministers. There were forty-six ministers 
present with a Rev^fCaver presiding, and President of the 
Baptist ministers Alliance, he is from Cleveland. 

"After the meeting was over Rev. Caver called a minister 
down who was sent to the trial incognito to give his version of 
the trial, he told of how the case was dismissed from the lack 
of evidence, then Rev. Caver called on Preda, she told of the 
beating, when and where, after she told of the Wooden case she 
started to talk about the Jewish people being mistreated, Rev 
Caver stopped her and told her to come to the point on the Wooden 
case, she asked him if Julia could speak, and Caver told her not 
if she was going to talk on the same subject, Julia asked if she 
could present the ministers a partial list of the police brut- 
alities since l9i{-9> and also present to the ministers the book 
Genicide Caver said the list and the book had to be checked 
by a committee he has selected, so Julia and Preda took the 
material to the office. Before going to the office with the 
books 'Gayer asked Julia who wrote the book and Julia said 
Williai^Patterson from New York, Caver asked if Patterson 



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wasn T t a communist, Freda spoke up and said no* 

t? A Rev^Lawson told the ministers that if they were 
caught with the book the P.B.I, would put them in prison, Rev 
Hill sat by Freda and toid her when she and Julia got ready 
to leave to ask for the books because Caver would burn them 
up, so after the meeting Freda went back to get the books and 
found ail the ministers leaving with one, and there were no 
books to take back to the office. 

! *Rev Caver promised Freda he would look into the 
Wooden case and do ail he could to bring justice." 



-* 



Care should be used in disseminating the above 
information to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity 
of the informant. 



SA 



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i * W ^HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 



4AL 

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IL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
ERE IN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
October 16, 1952. 

On October 6th 1952 at 11 :A. M. Freda Katz, Julia Brown and 
Nathaniel Wooden attended the Baptist Ministers Alliance at 79th & 
Quincy Avenue, by the permission of the minister Rev. Hill, when they 
arrived it was found the meeting did not take place until 1: o'clock, 
Nathaniel left for work at 12:30 o'clock, leaving Julia and Freda there. 
Freda and Julia had to sit through the meeting, before they could pre- 
sent their case to the ministers. There were forty-six ministers present 
with a Rev. Caver presiding, and President of the Baptist ministers 
Alliance, he is- from Cleveland. 

After the meeting was over Rev. Caver called a minister down &ho 
was sent to the trial incognito to give his version of the trial, he §M 
told of how the case was dismissed from the lack of evidence, then Rev. 
Caver called on Freda, she told of the beating, when and where, after 
she told of the Wopden case she started to talk about the Jewish people 
being mistreated, Rev Caver stopped her and told her to come to the 
point on the Wooden case, she asked him. if Julia could speak, and Caver 
told her not if she was going to talk on the sa.me subject,- Julia asked 
if she could present the ministers a partial list of the police brut- 
alities since 1949, and also present to the ministers the book Genicide 
Caver said the list and the book had to be checked by a committee he 
had selected, so Julia and Freda took the material to the office. 
Before going to the office with the books Caver asked Julia who wrote 
the book and Julia said 'William Patterson from New York, Caver asked 
if Patterson wasn't a communist, Freda spoke up and said no. 



r 



-2- 

A Rev Lawson told the ministers that if they were caught with the 
book the P.B.I, would put them in prison, Rev Hill sat by Freda and told 
her when she and Julia got ready to leave to ask for the books because 
Oaver would burn them up, so after the meeting Freda went back to get M 
the books and found all 'the ministers leaving with one, and there were 
no books to take back to the office. ' . ' 

Rev Caver promised Freda he would look into the Wooden case and do 
all he could to bring justice. 

t.€&JL 






111 I11TI1 11111 
Mil 15 I1155II1 



Dll 02-09-2011 BI 6032«BAI/i/CI j^ocj |j ^ 





Henry Si Oldsman, 

i 

P, 0, to 2271, 

Brooklyn Station, 




I 



f 



s 



% 



ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/COT 



MEMO, sac 

100-20534 BLUMENFELD, ANITA 

100-15911 CLARK, SALLIE 

100-18776 DEMIS, MZRTLE 

100-20565 QKEEff. ANN 

100-15575 

100-19971 

100-17251 



[ 



McMillan, james 

NEGRO 



100-19797 

100-8850 

100-15197 

100-i}.607 

100-20073 



Cleveland, Ohio 
November ±Il, 1952 



ROBERTS, SARAH 
TURNER, MARY 
WHERRY, MARGARET 
ZAZRIVY, ELSIE 
SOJOURNERS FOR 
TRUTH 'AND JUSTICE 



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The following is the verbati m report 

dated October 10, 1952, received by SA I 

on October 13 * 19 ^>2. The origin al memo will be found as 



Serial 



'er 13, 



of 



LITIS 



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"On October 5th 1952 the Sojourners for Truth and 
Justice had their first years Anniversary at the home of Vip 
Lane 3839 E. li».6th Street* Among those present were, Vio la/friane . 
Margaret W herry. Sallie Clark, Myrtle Dennis, Bulla Brown ] 

I Annie Green, Mary Turner, and Sarah ftoberts^aai members 
or the Sojourners. The negro woman lawyer, last name Chillis, she b 
is about 30 years old, 5 ft 5* brown skin, black hair and dark b 
eyes, 135 lbs. A negro man about J4.8, last name)ffillman, brown 
skin black hair, 5 ft 11 in., l8o lbs, a wide scar on the right 
cheek, he played a solo on the piano and also was the accorrfpist 
for the Willis woman and another woman last name Mitcheli^ (Bessie) 
this woman is about 50 years old with mixed grey hair, light skin, 
5 ft 5, 165 lbs, she is a Social Worker here in Cleveland. 



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"Myrtle was asked to explain to the visitors why and 
where the Sojourners got their name. Myrtle told the story of 
Sojourner Truth and explain to the two white women, Elsie, and. 
Anita why no white woman could become a member of the Sojourners. 
Myrtle said there were certain directions negro women had to go, 
that white women did not understand for negro women had been 
oppress all their lives. Sarah introducted Elsie as the friend 



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SEARCHED.. 



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SERIALIZED.™ faCfW * 

NO VI 1 1952 

FBI -CLfc.V.L 




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MEMO- SAC 



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of the -Sojourners, because she had assisted the four leading 
Sojourners of Cleveland to Washington to help organise. 

"Hiere -was no business, only social activity." 



Care should be used In disseminating the above 
information to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity 
of the informant. 



b6 
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SA 



- 2 - 



K ^t •' • ALL IIFOEEATIOI COHTAIHED 

^B ■ • HEREIH IS UHCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/5B/CHW 




Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 10,1952. 



On October 5th 1952 the Sojourners for Truth and Justice had 
their first years Anniversary at the home of Viola Lane 3839 E. 146th 
Street. Among those present were, Viola Lane, Margaret Wherry, Sallie 
Clark, Myrtle Dennis, Julia Brown, 



Annie -Green, b6 

b7C 



Mary Turner, and Sarah Roberts, all members o£ the Sojourners. The 
Visitors were James McMillan, Elsie Zazrivy, Anita Bloomenfeld, a younge 
negro woman Lawyer, last name Willis , she is about 30years old, 5ft 5, 
brown skin, black hair and dark eyes, 135 lbs. A negro man about 48, last 
name Tillman, brown skin black hair, 5ft 11 in., 180 lbs, a wide scar on 
yhe right cheek, he played a solo on the piano and also was the accomp- 
ist for the Willis woman and another woman last name Mitchell, (Bessie) 
this woman is about 50 years old with mixed grey hair,light skin, 5ft 5 
165 lbs, she is a Social Worker here in Cleveland. 

Myrtle was asked to explain to the visitors why and where the 
Sojourners got their name. Myrtle told the story of Sojourner Truth and 
explain to the two white women, Elsie and Anita wh F no white woman could 
become a member of the Sojourners. Myrtle said there were certain direct 
tions negro women had to go, that white women did not understand for 
negro women had been oppress all their lives. Sarah introduced Elsie as 
the friend of the Sojourners, because she had assisted the four leading 
Sojourners of Cleveland to Washington to help organize. 
There was no business, only social ^activity. 



p 



• 



ALL IHFORHATION COHTAIHED 

HEREIH 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMW 



MEMO SAC, 

100-18776 DENNIS, MYRTLE 
100-20565 GREEN. ANNA 
100-15575 [ 



November 18, 1952 
Cleveland, Ohio 



100-15197 "WHERRY, MARGARET 
100-20073 SOJOURNERS TRUTH & JUST. 
100-17261 NEGRO 



100-19797 ROBERTS, SARAH 



The fnllnwl.ng is the verbatim report of 



received by SA 
be found as serial 



f 



-7%J?~ 



of 



dated 10-21-52 



on 10-30- 52. The original memo will 



"On Sunday October 19, 19J>2 at 6:PJI. the Sojourners for Truth 
& Justice met at Mary Willis Home 2U$9 E* 83rd Street. There were eight 
present, Sarah Bobe rts, who is chairmen, Margaret *Wherry, Mar$%illis, 
I L ViolaftLa ne . Anna Green, Julia Brown, and Coriinfe^Bar- 



ras. a new member 



brought in. 



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"Five dollars and twenty-five cents was taken up for dues, in the 
treasure is forty-seven dollars and seventy cents. The group discussed the 
failure of the home office in New York by not writing and letting them know 
what's going on, they spoke of the Sojourners not having the Charter, Mar- 
garet said that was the reason the Sojourners were laying low, until they get 
the Charter* There was nothing of importance said as the Sojourners seem to 
be doing little or nothing, just yet. 

"There will be an election of officers at the next meeting, on Sun. 
November 1, 195>2 at Myrtle Dennis home, Myrtle has a letter from a woman in 
Dayton, Ohio who wanted to organize a Sojourners there, which Myrtle will 
read at the meeting*" 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information to 
paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



ST 



b6 
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PMBmanu- 



3MALlLV.^...JSKk-iL - 

NOV 13 1952 



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F 



• ^L ALL INFORMATION COHTAINED 

^|hEKEIH IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 

Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 21, 1952. 

On Sunday October 19,1952 at 6:P.M. the Sojourners for Truth & 
Justice met at Mary Willis home 2479 E. 83rd Street. There were eight 
present, Sarah Roberts, who is chairmen, Margaret Wherry, Mary Willis, 

Viola Lane, Anna Green, Julia Brown, and Corrine 
brought in. 



b6 
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Barras, a new member 



Five dollars and twenty-five cents was taken up for dues, in the 
treasure is forty- seven dollars and seventy cents. The group discussed 
the failure of the home office in New York by not writing and letting 
them know whats's going on, they spoke of the Sojourners not having the 
Charter, Margaret said that was the reason the Sojourners were laying 
low, until they get the Charter. There was nothing of importance said as 
the Sojourners seem to be doing little or nothing, just yet. 

There will be an election of officers at the next meeting, on Sun. 
®#fflM§ November 1, 1952 at Myrtle Dennis home, Myrtle has a letter from 
a woman in Dayton, Ohio who wanted to organize a Sojourners there, which 
Myrtle will read at the meeting. 



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HEREIN IS WMIM 

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ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 

HEREIN 13 OTCLA33IFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/C1W 



CCs: 



100-15056 

100-6336 

100-19995 

100-1112 

65-721 

100-16390 

100-20lt21 

100-19U2U 

100-2053)4 

100-200U2 

100-11U31 
100-19277 
100-llt899, 

100-9265 
100-11826 



ELIZABETH MOLNAR 
JOE KRAUSE 
LEE GARDNER 
DR. J. N. SIMONS 
TONY KRCHMAREK 
BRIEF - v 
EDDIE YOUNG 
NETTABERMAN 
ANITA BTBMENFEH) 
ROBERT DECKER 
JACK EMMER 
FRED GARDNER 
ETHEL GOODMAN 
(JENNINGS) 
WILiIAM HABER 
MORRIS KREITNER 



Clei 


reland, Ohio 


November 20, 1952 


101-5 


GisNE BAYER 


100-20632 


LENORE KATZ 


100-9759 


Mm MAGEDOVITZ 


100-56 


ADMIRAL KILPATRICK 


100-20087 


HJCELIUS JENNINGS 


100-231 


FRIEDA KATZ 


100-237 


DAVE KATZ 


100-17033 


FRIEDA SMITH KREITNE 


100-1*602 


JIM SMID 


100-8850 


mary -turner 


100-15908 


JaMES 1SELLS 


100-17087 


GKv , 


100-11936 


DORA BAYER 


100-18011* 


JOE HILL 



The following is the v erbatim report off 
October 20, 1952, received by ShT 
23. 19^2. Ih£_o,riginal memo will" 



1952 > Thft original memo will be found as serial 



dated 
on October 



b6 

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b7D 



"Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 20, 1952. 

"On Sunday October 12, 1952 a Freedom Rally at the J.P.F.O. 
center 34101 Kinsman Road was , held for SMONJjEh^ON and ISIDOR BEGUN. 

About one hundred and thirty-five peoplirwfrlTprelent, s ome "we're 

recognised as JAMES WELLS, FREDA KATZ 5 MdRY TURNER, A. KILPaTRICK, 
SIMON and ISIDOR who sat on the plateform , ANN MaGEIOVITZ, DaVE 
KATZ, and JULIA BROWN, at the door, otheres were JOE PETRAUS and 
wife, BOB BECKER, ETHEL GOODMAN, C. JENNINGS. EDDIE YOUNG, MORRIS 
and FREDA KRIETNER, EUGENE RlER and wife, JACK WHEEL, JOE HELL, 



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FBI -CLEV6UUU 



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10, SAC 



JEM SEED, EEIZABETH MOLNER, ANITA BLOOMFELD, JOE KRAUS, LEE and 
FRED GARDINER, BILL HkBER, NETfti BEEHfeN, DR. & MRS. SIMON. EDDIE 
YOJNG, BILL HaBER, DAVE KATZ, JOE HILL, and A. £l^£!EHEK were 
assigned as muscle men, they were to put out all undesirables. 

"FREDA the chairmen introduced JAMES, he spoke for the 
out-lawing of the Smith h.cb, stopping police brutality, and Unvagry 
being at the Hall where KIRCKvfEREK tried to speak, how the police 
tried to intimidate the communist party, FREDA also spoke against 
the police and JIM S15ID called from the audience to inform her the 
F.B.I, were also there intimidating the people. KILPATRICK spoke 
about fifteen minutes or more on nothing but the F.Bd* how they 
tried to make a stool pigeon out of him, and how he cursed them. 
Gerson conversation was making fun of how the Judges conducted the 
trials he tried to make it appear the Government didn 5 t know what they 
were doing, and as far as he was concerned they made a fool of them- 
selves. The audience laughed at his demonstration of ignorance of 
the law the Judges had. 

"A white man came in before SIMON arrived, ASK jumped 
*up in front of him, but BILL and DAVE said he was alright, for he 
was a newspaper man, ANN said he wasn*t, for 'he was a stool pigeon. 
FREDa had to quiet her ANN wanted this man put out, he was j? ftc 
9 ins* 16^ lbs. black hair, brown eyes, age about 23. After SIMON 
and BEGUN arrived, FREDA spoke to BEGUN he left the platform and 
walked to the man in the back of the room and invited him out to 
question him^ it seemed this man had some identification because 
he came back and sat through the meeting. When an occasion came 
for the people to stand, this stranger was slow getting up, ANN 
enjoyed pointing him out to JULIA and DAVE laughing. 

"A white woman played a banjo and sang, her first name is 
LETTY, she was in the delegation of younge people who went to ViTasaw , 
Foland, she was also at the Polish Embassy in Washington at the time 
when JUHA attended. A negro youth recited a poem, and a white youth 
played a gitar . 

"LS3GUN made the collection speech, with ANN, 5J3E GiJIDINER 
and JULIA taking the collection of a sum of $353 o?5<4. At the door 
a collection of }68o3l$ vas taken up. After the meeting, FREDit and 
BEGUN had a augurment abcut the money, FREDA spoke of the promise 
of 50-50 BEGUN said it couldn^t go that way, she asked JULLa to 
decide on the payment, JULIA .decided on $200.00 to BEGUN, but he 
said that couldn't be, BEGUN. got angry and said he had to have it 



2 - 



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** .^ 



* 



MEMO, SAC 



all j and the C.R.G. could have the door receipts. BEGUN said to give 
him §350.00 dollars and FREDit could have the $3,780 Three hundred 
and fifty dollars was turned over to BEGUN with BEGUN giving JUEDl 
a receipt for the money signed by BEGUN but another name. After 
that meeting, ISIDOR, GEHSON, FRSD&, DAVE, DAVE 1 s daughter, ANN and 
E. C. GREENFIELD went to the Hotel (Hollenden) FREDA said the two 
men left Monday &.M. at eight o ! clock." 

■a- -* ■* ■* * 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information, 
to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



Su 



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- 3 _ 



F/< 



ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 
HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHOT 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
October 20, 1952. 



On Sunday October 12, 1952 a Freedom Rally at the J .P.F.O .center 
14101 Kinsman Road was held for Simon Gerson and Isidor Begun. 
About one hundred and thirty-five people were present, some were rec- 
ognized as James Wells, Freda Katz, Mary Turner, A. Kilpatrick, Simon 
and Isidor who sat on the plateform, Ann Magetovitz,Dave Katz, and Julia 
Brown, at the door, otheres' were Joe Petraus and wife. Bob Decker, Ether 
Goodman, O. Jennings, Eddie Young, Morris and Freda Krietner, Eugene Baer 
and wife, Jack Emmer, Joe Hill, Jim Smid, Elizabeth Molner, Anitaa 
Bloomfeld, Joe Kraus , Lee and Fred Gardiner, Bill Haber, Netta Berman, 
Dr. & Mrs Simon. Eddie Young, Bill Haber, Dave Katz, Joe Hill, and A. 
Kilpatrick were assigned sM muscle men, they were to put out all unde- 
sirables. 

Freda the chairmen introduced James, he spoke for the outlaw- 
ing of the Smith Act, stopping police brutality, and Unvagry being at the 
Hall where Kirchmerek tried to speak, how the police tried to intimidate 
the communist party, Freda also spoke against the pSlice and Jim Smid 
called from the audience to inform her the F.B.I, were also there intim- 
idating the people* Kilpatrick spoke about fifteen minutes or more on 
nothing but the F.B.I* how they tried to make a stool pigeon out of him, 
and how he curs#ed them. Gerson conversation was making fun of how the 
Judges conducted the trial, he tried to make it appear the Government 
didn f t know what they were doing, and as far as he was concerned they 
made a fool of them selves. The audience laughed at his demonstration of 



1 



-2- 



t 



ignorance of the law the Judges had. 

A white man came in before Simon arrived, Ann jumped up in front 
of him, but Bill and Dave said he was alright, for he was a newspaper man, 
Ann said, he wasn't, for he was a stool pigeon, Freda had to quig£" her 
Ann wanted this man put out, he was 5ft.. 9 ins. 165 lbs. black hair, brown 
eyes, age about 28. After Simon and Begun arrived, Freda spoke ,to Begun 
he left the platform and walked tb. the man in the back of the room and in- 
vited him out to question him, it : seemed this man had some identification • 
because he came back and sat through the meeting. When an occasion came 
for the people to stand, this stranger was slow getting up, Ann enjoyed 
pointing him out to Julia and Dave laughing. 

A. white, woman played a banjo and sang, her first name is Betty, she 
was in the delegation of younge people, who went to Wasaw, Poland, she was 
also at the Polish Embassy in Washington at the time when Julia. attended. 
A negro youth recited a poem, and a; "white youth played a gitar. 

Begum made the collection speech, with Ann , Lee Gardiner and Julia 
taking the collection of a sum of $353.78^. At the door a collection of - ; 
#68.34?! was taken up. After the meeting, Freda and Begun had a augurment 
about the money, Freda spoke, of the promise of 50-50 Begun said it could- 
n't go that way, she asked Julia t<b decide on the payment, Julia decided 
on $200.00 to Begun, but he said that couldn't be, Begun got angry and 
said he had to have it all, and the C.R.C. could have the da<ba? receipts. 
Begun said to give him $350.00 dollars and Freda could have the $3.78^ 
Three hundred and fifty dollars was turned over to Begun with Begun giving 
Julia a receipt for the money signed by Begun but another name. After that 
meeting, Isidor, Gerson, Freda, Dave, Dave's daughter, Ann. and E.O.Green- 
field went to the Hotel (Hollenden) Freda said the two men left MondayA.M. 
at eight o'clock. , 

t, a. &*jr 



i 




Cleveland 9, Olio, 




ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/5B/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio 

21 1952 



MEMO, SAO 

100-18014 Hill, Joe 100-237 

100-9265 Haber, William 100-20092 

100-8504 Halamek, Anton 100-20093 

100-20243 Rosenberg, Committee 100-11460 

100-5874 Lucas, Joe' 100-4607 

IOO-5956 Callow, Leon 100-18440 

100-231 Eatz, Frieda 100-751 



Katz, Dave 
Hifcos, Mary 
Nikos, Archie 
Ov char , Car 1 ine 
Zasrivy; Elsie 
ASP 
aGBFB 



of 



The follov/ing is the verbat im report 

dated October 31, 1952 received by SA | ~ 

No vember 5. 1952 The original memo will be found as serial 
of 1 ' 



on 



jL 



b6 

b7C 

b7D 



"Cleveland j Ohio 
October 31, 1952 

"On Wednesday at 8:P*M. October 29th 1952 a meeting was 
held at the U.S. office 1205 Superior Avenue for the protection 
of the Poriegn B rn e a^ white man about forty years old partly bald * 
5ft 6ins. wears glasses', l65<lbs. was chairmen with llsie Zazrivy 
at the speakers table ♦ There were about forty people present, among 
those recognized were Preda and Dave Katz, Bill Haber, Ben Ca^4athers 
from. Pittsburgh, Pa, Joe Hill who was there selling ticketsf or -the 
Sterling Hotel affair for the Rosenberg's defense, Julia Brown, 
Mary Bickor who was selling beer for thirty cents a bottle and- ■ 
sandwichs for twenty-five cents, and K ary l s husband, Caroline 
Ovchar, Anthony Hallemek, Leon Callo, Joe .Lucas, and a foreign 
born white man whosairial was Thursday morning October 30, 1952, 
first name NaOer Vip^he is up for deportation, 

"Abner* Green from New York was to be the guest speaker, 
but it was announce by the chairman that he would not be here 
because he was busy arranging bail for the six people arrested for 
deportation in New York and one in Chicago. The chairman introduced 
Leon Callo, who denounced his arrest, and said he would remain a 
communist and fight for the party where ever he is. Ben Careauthers 
was introduced by the chairman, as the victim of the Smith Act, 
Ben said he did not like the introduction, because he was not a 
victim, and did not intend to be victimize by any one but rather a 
defender of the Smith Act, Ben brought regards f r o ^SJy^f D ^el s on ^ 



Steve said to tell the people not to let up with the 



PM3:cvd 



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NOV 2 11952 

FBI -OL V 



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cc: Pittsburgh 




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# 



MEMO, SAC 

peace and deliberation. Ben said the freeing of the two communist, 
Isidor Begam and siraon G-erson were proof of the kind of fight was 
needed to free the others, it can "be done and it must he done* 
Elsie asked for a donation, Two-Sundred dollars was taken up, about 
twelve dollars was made on refreshments. When the crowd was ready- 
to leave Fred asked Elsie for a donation for Ben, Elsie did not 
think she sho\ild give him anything hut promised ten dollars later, 
or before Ben left town, Freda was pretty sore about that, and said 
she would get even with Elsie the next time something was given. 

"On leaving the U.E. Hall Freda in Julia's car and Ben 
in Bill's car left for Clarks Resturant on 55th and Euclid Avenue, 
for dinner there Freda gave Ben thirty~five dollars to go to Dayton 
Ohio to speak there and return back to Cleveland, in Dayton Ben was 
given seventy~five dollars he said. At the resturant Freda tiold 
Ben about the F.B.I, and police department trying to intimadate the 
office force at 5103 Euclid Avenue, Freda said she called the police 
Captain and asked him why the stoolies were there for her protection. 
Bill and Ben followed Julia home with Freda in Julia 1 s car, after 
arriving home the three said, they were going to Bills home where 
Ben was to stay." 

Care should be used in a disseminating the above information 
to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 

1 b6 

I b7C 

SA 




9 + 



1 



ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

'HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 31,1952. 

On Wednesday at 8:P.M. October 29th 1952 a meeting was held 
at the U.E. office 1205 Superior Avenue for the protection of the 
Foriegn Born.A white man about fortyyyearS old partly bald, 5ft 6ins. 
wears glasses, 165 lbs. was chairmen with Elsie Zazrivy at the speakers 
table, fhere were about forty people present, among those recognized 
were Freda and Dave Katz, Bill Haber,Ben Gareathers from Pittsburg, Pa. 
Joe Hill who was there selling tickets for the Sterling Hotel affair for 
the Rosenberg's defense, Julia Brown, Mary Nickor who was selling beer 
for thirty cents a bottle and sandwichs for twenty-five cents, and Mary's 
husband, Caroline Ovchar, Anthony Hallemek, Leon Callo, Joe Lucas, and 
a foreign born white man whosa trial was Thursday morning October 30, 
1952, first name Nat or Mat, he is up for; deportation. 

Abner Green from New 'York was to be the guest speaker, but it was 
announce by the chairman that he would not be here because he was busy 
arranging bail for the six people arrested for deportation in New York " 
and one in Chicago. The chairman introduced Leon Callo, who denounced 
his arrest, and said he would remain a communist and fight for the party 
where ever he is. Ben Careauthers was introduced by the chairman, as the 
victim of the Smith Act, Ben said he did not like the introduction, be- 
cause he was not' a victim, and did not intend to be victimize by any one 
but rather a defender of the Smith Act. Ben brought regards from Steve 
Nelson, Steve said to tell the people not to let up with their fight for 

peace and deliberation. Ben said the freeing of the two communist, Isidor 
Begum and simon Gerson were proof of the kind of fight was needed tb. free 

the others, it can be done and it must be dome. Elsie asked for a do- 
nation, Two-Hundred dollars was taken up, about twelve dollars was made 



\ 




• " 2 " • 

on refreshments. When the crowd was ready to leave Fred asked Elsie 
for a donation for Ben, Elsie did not think she should give him any- 
thing but promised ten dollars later, or before Ben left town, Freda 
was pretty sore about that, and said she would get even with Elsie the 
next time something was given. 

On leaving the U.E. Hall Freda in Julia's ear and Ben in Bill's 
car left for the C larks Resturant on 55th and Euclid Avenue, for dinner 
there Freda gave Ben thirty-five dollars to go to Dayton Ohio to speak 
there and return back to Cleveland, in Dayton Ben was given seventy- 
dollars.ihe said.At the resturant Freda tiold Ben about the F.B.I, and 
police department trying to intimadate the office force at 5103 Euclid 
Avenue. Freda said she called the police Captain and asked him why the 
stoolies were there trying to annoy them and the police told her they 
were there for har protection. Bill and Ben followed Julia home with Freda 
in Julia's car, after arriving home the three said they were going to 
Bills home where Ben was to stay. 



3 




£.."> -> 



ALL IHFOEHATIOI COHTAIHED 

HEREDI IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAU/SB/CHW 



MEMO, SAC 

100-20393 Brent, Al • 100-204-21 

100-20534- Blumenfeld, Anita 100-20087 

100-15911 Clark, Sallie 100-17033 

100^252 Clark, Richard 100-194-33 

100-14899 Goodman, Ethel (Jennings) 100-14-573 

100-9265 Hater, William 100-15908 

100-2024-3 Rosenberg Committee 100-17261 

IOO-9756 Magedovitz , Ann 100-19935 

100-14-4-4-2 Williams, Boh 

100-11826 Krietner, Morris 100-1112 



Cleveland, Ohio 



Young, Eddie 

Jennings , ^ Lucellus 

Kreitner, \Frieda Smith 

Romig, Florence 

Washington, Bert 

Wells , James 

Negro 

National Negro labor 

Council 

Simans , J f T$ k 



The following is the verbatim re-port of I 
0cto"ber 27, 1952 received "by SJ | 
195^» The original memo will "be found as serial _ 



I dated 

Octo ber 30, 
ofl 



"Cleveland, Ohio 
October 27, 1952 

"On Saturday at 9:P.M. October 18, 1952 a party was 
given at the home of Sallie Clarks"9910 Tale Avenue, "by the 
Negro Labor OU acil There were about forty people present, 
among those recognized were Sallie Clark & husband, Ethel 
Goodman, Bert Washington, Eddie Young, and his brother Ma^ie 
Young who is a new commer to the Council, Florence Romi^f 
Julia Brown, Morris Krietner and wife Freda, # L o Jennings, Dr 
& Mnj£(Simon, Albert Brent, Bill Haber, James Wells &]j&ie, 
WilligNprown, B b Williams, Ann Magetovitz, Anita Bloominfeld, 
a negro woman and man from Chicago who was here in defence of 
the Rosenbergs, who was sentenced to the electric chair, her 
name was Josephine Granat, and his name was George-^oed, this 
writer can't help but feel that these names are fictitious. 
They were asking for conteibutions , and lining up afairs foir the 
Rosenbergs, such as a speaking at the Sterling Hotel 3002 
Prospact Avenue November 8, 1952 at 8:30 ?.M, Speakers Eabbi 
Abraham JS^onbach and BaviMAlman, 

"Bert Washington spoke at the party to tell of the Sear 
Robuck a.rive for jobs for negro women, also the drive for jobs 
at the May Co., and the victories because of Sears no iLJMan-ting 
a picket line in front of the store. Julia gAgg^feheD collection \ 
speach, and asked for memoership in the Councii^Aia^gghe door<$bfe 
admission was twenty-five cents, the next eveojng Efrh^'^^d1?3Slia 
the Council made over two-hundred dollars ," 



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ML INFORMATION COHTAIHED 

HERE II 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02~09™2011 BY 60324UCBAWSB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
October 27, 1952. 



( 
On Saturday at 9*P*M. October 18, 1952 a party was given at the ^ 



I 



home of Sallie Clarks 9910 Yale Avenue, by the Negro Labor Council, 
There were about forty people present, among those recognized were 
Sallie Clark & husband, Ethel Goodman, Bert Washington, Eddie Young, 
and his brother Maxie Young who is a new commer to the Council, Florence 
Romig, Julia Brown, Morris Krietner and wife Freda, C.L.Jennings, Dr & 
Mrs Simon, Albert Brent, Bill Haber, James Wells & Wife, Willie Brown, 
Bob Williams, Ann Magetovitz, Anita Bloominfeld, a negro woman and man 
from Chicago who was here in defense of the Rosenbergs, who was $§§§#§§ 
sentenced to the electric chair, her name was Josephine Sranat, and his 
name was George Moed, this writer can't help but feel that these mames £| 
are fictitious. They were asking for conteibutions, and lining up afairs 
for the Rosenbergs, such as a speaking at the Sterling Hotel 3002 Pros- 
pact Avenue November 8, 1952 at 8:30 P.M. Speakers Rabbi Abraham Cron- 
bach and David Alman; 

Bert Washington spoke at the party to tell of the Sear Robuck £^ 
drive for jobs for negro women, also the drive for jobs at the May Co., 



and the victoriessbecause of Sears not wanting a picket line in front 
of the stpre. Julia gave the collection speach, and asked for membership 
in the Council., at the door the admission was twenty-five cents, the next 
eveing Ethel told Julia the Council made over two-hundred dollars. 



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DATE 02-05-2011 HI 12111/1/tI 







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P.O. Box 2271, 
Brooklyn Station, 




$ 



Oleveland 3, Ohio. 



ALL IIFOBMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/3B/CH! 



MEMO SAG 
100-14716 

100-12775 

100-15911 
100-20042 
100-17200 
100-14899 

100-9265 
100-13507 



Krause, Mrs.. Joe 
Berman, Norman 
Clark Sallie 
Decker, Robert 
Gaines, Lloyd 
Goodman, Ethel 
(Jennings) 
Haber, William 
Haug, Pred 



Cleveland,- Ohio 
November 21, 1952 



100-19379 Thomas, Georgia 

100-9759 Magedovitz, Ann 

100-6336 Krause, Joe 

100-16390 Brief 

100-231 Katz, Frieda 

100-18185 Livingstone, Blanche' 

100-3850 Turner, Mary 

100-15908 Wells, James 

100-17261 Ne^ro 



The following is 
dated October 31, 1952 rece 
No vember IP.. 1Q5 2. The ori 
of 



the verbat im report of 
ived by SA 



ginal memo will be found, as ser: 



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11 Cleveland,. -Ohio 
"October 31, 1952 

■ "On Friday at 9:P.M. October 31st, -1952 a party^was . , 
given at Mary Turnery's home, 1444 E. 111th Stieet for BenfNCarea^ 
uthers defense,, TK.re were twenty-one people present, those 
recognized were, Ethel Goodman, Mary Turner, .Sallie Clark, Bill 
Haber, Julia Brown, Freda Katz, James Wells, Blanche Livingston, 
Norman Berman, Fred Hauge, Bob Becker, Joe Krause and Wife,. 
Georgia Thom as, Ann Maget ovitz, Lloyd Gar.es, Ben Careathers^ 
Maxie^ Young, |~ " ~" ~ "" " 



who flew in from Chicago where her hus- b ?c 
band had died., printing with her, her hu=b an-"" 1 '• 1: daughter and 
taking her "besm to I.".'ow Yurk to live, Sh« is _-> ft 5 in. i -brown 
skin, black ha:u:- aid. dar-ic brown eyes, ago 18, 140 Lbs, 

"Mary Turner welcomed the guest and. .introduced Ben as 
a leader of the communist party win was arrested for no reason, 
other than speaking out for peace. Ben told the people that he 
was arrested for two reasons one was because he- was a communist, 
and the other was because he was a negro, Ben said plenty of 
money was needed to finance the trial on Wednesday November 5, 
1952. A collection of Fifty-two dollars and twenty-five cents 
was taken up, with four dollars and twenty-five cents for 
expense, Freda told Julia to take the forty^-eight dollars home . 
to put with other monies that w ould be raised at James pa rty on 
Sunday night November- 2, 1952. I J lef t b6 

with Ben and Bill, go stay at Bill's hojs§_,_ ana'duna ieiT with b?c 
Freda for home '' 



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mation to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the 
informant*. 



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ALL IHFQRHATIOII COHTAIHED 
| HERE IN 13 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCM1 /SB/CMW 



Cleveland, Ohio . 
October 30, 1952. 



On Friday at 9:P.M. October 31st, 1952 a party was given at Mary 
Turner's home 1444 E. 111th Street for Ben Careauthers defense. 
There were twenty-one people present, . those recognized were, Ethei 
Goodman, Mary Turner, Sallie Clark, Bill Haber, Julia Brown, Freda Kafcz, 
James Wells, Blanch Livingston, Norman Berman, Fred Hauge, Bob Becker, 
Joe Krause and Wife, Georgia Thomas, Ann Magetovitz, Lloyd Ganes, Bern 
Careathers, Maxie Young ,| |who flew in from Chicago where her b6 



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husband had died, bringing with her, her husband's daughter and taking 
her back to New York to live. She is 5ft 5in., brown skin, black hair and 
dark brown eyes, age 18, 140 lbs. 

Mary Turner welcomed the guest and introduced Ben as a leader of 
the communist party who was arrested for no reason, other than speaking 
out for peace. Ben told the people that he was arrested for two reasons 
one was because he was a communist, and the other was because he was a 
negro. Ben said plenty of money was needed to finance the trial on- Wed- 
nesday November 5, 1952. A collection of Fifty-two dollars and twenty-five 
cents was taken up, with four dollars and twenty-five cents for expense. 
Freda told Julia to take the forty-eight dollars homw to put with other 
monies that would be raised at James party on Sunday night November 2 
1952, 



left with Ben and Bill, to stay at Bill's 



home, and Julia left with Freda for home. 



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DATE 02-09^2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



MEMO SAO 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 8, 1952 



100-20116 
100-20042 
100-10263 
100-19277 
100-14899 

100-9265 

100-8504 

100-13507 

100-13371 

100-20420 

100-16908 



BILES, SUE 

DECKER, 20BEBT 
DSffilS, BAY 
GAKDKER, PBED 
GOODMALT, ETHEL 

immms) 

HABER, WILLI M 
EALAKBE, JSiTOET 
HAUG, if BSD 
HAUG, KA3IB 
TOBHER, IKE 
EIRSCHBERG, HERB 



100-9759 

100-19379 

100-20087 

100-15575 

100-18972 

100-18923 

100-19797 

100-19433 

100-18406 

100-14573 

100-17261 

100-19935 



HAGETOYITZ, Mhl 
THOMAS, GEORGIA 
SWSimSt LTCBEiICTS 



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MITCHELL, MEL 
MITCHELL, H0BIM3E 
ROBERTS, 3AKAH 
EQ'ffLG. PLOREITOE 
S07KS3BEB&, DO! 
VASLDTGTOlSr, BERT 
1TEGP0 K 

FA2-L KEGRO LABOS COUNCIL 



The following* is the yerba,tiin report of 
November 25, 1952, received "by SA l J 

1952. The original memo will he found as serial JtZi 



dated 

on December 1, 
'of 



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"Cleveland, Ohio, 
"ivfovember 25, 1952. 

,l 0n Saturday November 22, 1952, the second day of the National 
Convention of the'Kegro Labor Council met at Public Hall, at 6th & 
Lake Side Avenue • About two thousand people from all parts of the 
United States were there, with about thirty states and forty cities 
represented. Jort Wayne and South Bend, Indiana, Dayton, Tiffin and 
Ashbulah, Ohio* ]?lint and Detroit, Michigan, pitsburg and Erie, Pa., - - 
Bessemer Ala., Savannah Ga. , Baltimor Maryland, Richmond „Va. , Denver Col, 
Seattle Washington, Louisville Ky. , St. Louis, Chicago and East St. 
Louis 111, Washington, Milwakee Wis., and Los ingeles. 

"Among some of the one recognized were. 
& Fred Haug, Ethel Goodman, C.L. Jennings,! 



Sarah Roberts « Marie 

JBob Decker, 



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Joe Petraus, Don Rothenberg, Pred Gardiner, Mel & Hortense Mitchell, 
Georgia Thomas Sims, Ray Dennis, Inn Magetovitz, Ike Turner, Bert 
Washington , Bill Haber, Florence Roraig, Julia Brown, Sue Biles, Herb 
Hirshburger, and Anthony Hallemek. 

"The delegates of Cleveland had the last row of seats in 
the Hall altho there were loud speakers, it was difficult in hearing 



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and seeing;^S&m Parks from Chicago was chairman, he introduced; "tfilliajn 
Hood as gue/t spes&er, Hood said the walls of Jim crow will come troubling 
down, and Mr* tarn out red "baiter will never stop the freedom train, 
and that the Hrgro Lat>or Council had sprung up in many places. Eiat 
the negro holds fewer. jobs than the;?* did twelve years ago, and the in- 
come of negroes were shockingly reduced, and negro workers were "being 
driven out of factories. 

"Hood said instead of the 3? •B.I. rimnirg down the murders of 
the Iloore 1 s in florida they were running down bhe ^mith act victims, 
and that the Taft Hartley and the IlcCarrax. act re*\ to go. Hood said 
the Africans mean to run their "business from nov o-« raid the masses of 
the South are ready to fight for democracy. 

A resolution for Air line jobs was made ?y Sam parks, Sa, 
said there were skilled negro pilots in World wm tvo- and in Korea 
now fighting, Bert Harris from Hew York said to n-'r^e out skill, in 
world war two and in Korea "because of the feeling they had for the 
koreans. Sam asked for a picket line to he formed immediately, every 
one got up to go, about two- thousand delegates and visitors, they walked 
from four to six abreast, no one could pass between, them, when they got 
ready to cross the streets all trafic was blocked, thro' the streets 
they were chanting, Jim crow must go. After marching for about fifteen 
minutes the crowd broke up for lunch, some going back to the nail." 



Care should be used in disseminating the above information 
to -paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



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ILL IIFORHiTIOI COHTAIHED 

►HEREIN T3 unclassified 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio, 
November 25, 1952. 



On Saturday November 22, 1952 the second day of the National 
^Convention of the Negro Labor Council met at Public Hall, at 6th & 
Lake Side Avenue, About two thousand people from all parts of the 
United States were there, with about thirty states and forty cities 
represented. Fort Wayne and South Bend, Indiana, Day ton, Tiffin and 
Ashbulah, Ohio. Flint and Detroit, Michigan, Pitsburg and Erie Pa., 
Bessemer Ala ., Savannah Ga., Baltimor Maryland, Richmond Va., Denver Col, 
Seattle Washington, Louisville Ky., St Louis, Chicago and East St. Louis 
111, Washington, Milwakee Wis., and Los Angeles. b?c 

Among some of the ones, recognized were, Sarah Roberts, Marie & Fred Haug 
Ethel 0oodman, C.L.Jennings, Bob Decker, Joe Petraus, 



Don Rothenberg, Fred Gardiner, Mel & Hortense Mitchell, Georgia Thomas 
Sims, Ray Dennis, Ann Magetovitz, Ike Turner, Bert Washington, Bill 
Haber, Florence Romig, Julia Brown, Sue Biles, Herb Hirshburger, and 
Anthony Hallemek. 

The delegates of Cleveland had the last row of seats in the Hall 
aihtho there were loud speakers, it was difficult in hearing and seeing. 
Sam Parks from Chicago was chairman, he introduced William Hood as 
guest speaker, Hood said the walls of Jim crow will come tumbling down, 
and Mr. worn out red baiter will never stop the freedom train, and that 
the Krgro Labor Council had sprung up in many places. That the negro 
holds fewer jobs than they did twelve years ago, and the income of 
negroes were shockingly reduced, and negro workers were being driven 
out of factories, 



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Hood saia instead of the F.B.I, running down the murders of the 
Moore ! s in Florida they were running down the Smith act victims, and that 
the Taft Hartley and the McCarran act had to go. Hood said the Africans 
mean to run their business from now on, and the masses of the South are § 
ready to fight for democracy. 

A resolution for Air line jots was. made by Sam Parks, Sa, said there 
were skilled negro pilots in World war twsr, and in Korea now fighting, 
Bert Harris from New York said to strike out skill/ in world war two and 
in Korea because of the feeling they had for the koreans. Sam asked for a 
picket line to be formed immediatly, every one got up to go, about two- * 
thousand delegates and visitors ,they walked from four to six abreast, no 
one could pass between them, when they got ready to cross the streets all 
trafic was blocked, thro 'the streets they were chanting, Jim crow must go. 
After marching for about fifteen minutes the crowd broke up for lunch, 
some going back to the Hall. 



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toy H, Oldsman, 

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P.O.Box 2211, 




ALL IIF011TIQI POIMIB 

ran is niissiFiED 

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yaik vu UJ bull ul vvvUTJuUM} tfuj Wil 



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ALL IIFORHATIOH COHTAIHED 

IREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 
'ATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 8, 1952 



MEMO, SAC: 



cc: 



100-20393 
100-200Ll2 

100-19277 
100-1Il899 

100-13507 

100-1112 

100-20li22 

100-19995 
100-20087 
100-17033 

100-ll|-573 
100-17261 
100-lL|iil|2 



(AL BRENT) 
(ROBERT DECKER) 
(FRED GARDNER) 
(ETHEL GOODMAN) 

(JENNINGS) 
(FRED HATJG) 
(S* N. SIMANS) 
(WILLIE BROW) 
(LEE GARDNER) 
(LUCELIUS JENNINGS 
(FRIEDA SMITH 

KREITNER) 
(BERT WASHINGTON) 
(NEGRO) 
(ROBERT WILLIAMS) 



100- 
100- 
100- 
100- 

100- 
100- 
100- 

100. 

)100- 
100 
100- 
100 
100 



llj.038 

10263 
195H 
19721 

-20li20 

.11826 

•20l|02 

•15369 

-231 

-19ii33 

-8850 

-15908 

-19935 



(WILLI AM COOPER) 
rPAY TTiRWMIS) 



(VIVIAN GRtfBtfS) 

(WASHINGTON) 
(IKE TURNER) 
(MORRIS KREITNER) 
(CARLOffTA RUFUS) 
(FRANK HASHMAL) 
(FRIEDA KATZ) 
(FLORENCE ROMIG) 
(MARY TURNER) 
(JAMES WELLS) 
(NAT'L NEGRO LA30R 

COUNCIL) 



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The following is the verbatim report of 



J 



tm 



dated be 
Decern - b7c 

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November 21l, 1952, received by SA , ^_^ 

ber 1, 1952. The original memo will be found as serial _^3 — 

of I 1 

"Cleveland, Ohio. 
November 2Ll, 1952 

"On Friday PM at 8:30 November 21st 1952 at St. Matthews 
Church 35th & Scovill Avenue tne Negro Labor Council held its 
Sirst meeting of a three , day session of the ^JS^SgS^" 
Amonp- those recognized from Cleveland were, BiiRT WASHINGTON wno 
wSTihaiman, With ETHEL GOODMAN, COLEMAN^OUNG of Detroit , ^nd 
HAROLD WARD'S wife on the platform. -C . L A JENNINGS , F HED4KA ^ > 
m\WL FASHMEL, FRED GARDINER & wife with- their two children, 
Se£iG, CARLOTTA *UFUS, ALBERT BRENT «ILLIAJ1 '00 GOT an; d fa7c 

S^GRdSS'jMP™ fSId HAUDeI F*IDA m^^MOHKl^ 
rp^TO^ Dr & MRSXS1M0V, from Ghicago were SAMAPAdKS, OSCAHT 
ffiOW??R:, ^iL^ii^ JPRED PNIEET, LI T ( T . T*ftf fiAprfl Tg>N BEVI^ ,^ 



cc: 



2 - Detroit 
2 - Chicago 
2 - New York 
2 - Cincinnati 



SEARCHED . IND£XED..«.s.«- 

DISS 1952 



FBI . CLEVfc 



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MEMO, SACt 



and OCTAVIA HAWKINS. Prom New York were PAUiYrOBSSON, GEORGE 
MURPHY, ROMONIa GARRET, THELMA SLATTERY, ERVIN MILES, CARRIE 
PERKINS., VICKIE GARVIN, CLIFFORD CAMERON, and KELLXMARSHaLL an 
actor, from Detroit were HAROLD MYERS, JIMMY WATTS'/ DAVE MOORE 
JOS MORGAN. 

"Mrs.YWARD was introduced by BERT, as the wife of HAROLD 
who was framed for murder, she said her husband was not guilty of 
munder but was guilty of going to Russia, and was guilty of fight- 
ing for the rank and file memberships labor unions. 

"The meeting was ooened by a prayer from Rev. M. E.Y 
NELSON of 12702 Abell Avenue. He left before the meeting was'over, 
before leaving he praised the work of the N.L.C. 

"PAUL ROBESON came in lead by JAMES WELLS, BOB WELLIAMS 
and RAY DENNIS and others, P^UL sang several songs, and spoke, he 
said the walls of Jim crow still stands and needs some one to^ 
tear it down, he asked the crowd should his son go over and fight 
the the British soldiers against the men of Kenya, the, crowd 
yelled No, No. PAUL said, You better get with the folks if its ' 
not too late, and that he was glad he never left them. He was 
speaking of the party. He praised the. riot in Soutb Africa, and 
called the men brave, and said it won't be long before 200 
million Africans are free. 

"PAUL introduced BILL MARSHALL from New York, a very 
good friend of his. COLEMAN YOUNG said the struggle will be ended 
only by the victory of jim crow, he said it was time white supre- 
mist was pub back in their place. He spoke of the Un-American 
Activities Committe as a desperate force who went to Detroit. 

"BERT said the convention here in Cleveland was here 
to organize and formulate the program in Cincinnati, he said the 
Council was there to do a job, and the job will be done. 

"There was a stage play, with two white men, one negro 
man and woman, the name of "one of the white men was EDDIE MOREK, 
The neero man was FRED PINKARD, all from Chicago. The play was 
from the Harvester strike. It protrayed a man they called a 
scab, with the insistence of a white official of the Harvester 
comoany to have him to break a picket line, and then later accused 
him of murder, this play tried to tie in with the HAROLD WARD case. 
COLMAN read off a few places where the Council had been able to 
break through for jobs, for negroes, namely the Gas company, and 
F. M. Schaffer company in Brooklyn, N.Y.., in Oakland Cal., the- 



• 



MEMO, SAC: 



telephone and telegraph companies, in Detroit Max Shay's, in Louis- 
ville, Ky., public and high school, General electric plant and the 
Board of Education. In Los Angeles, Radio, and steel works, in 
San Francisco Sears & Ttobuck. also in Oakland, Cal they are in 
all key railroads they have gotten jobs for ninety workers. 

"A negro man named 0. A.^pESTK, it seems an official of 
the church closed the meeting." 

Cave should be used in disseminating the above informa- 
tion to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the 
informant » 



Special Agent 



b6 
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- 3 - 



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■^ 






ALL IIIFOOTATION CONTAIHED 

REIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 
DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCEA1/3B/CIW 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
November 24, 1952, 



On Friday PM at 8:30 November 21st 1952 at St. Matthews Church 
35th & Scovill Avenue the Negro Labor Council held its first meeting of 
a three day session of the National Convention. Among those recognized 
from Cleveland were, Bert Washington who was chairman, with Ethel Goodman, 
Coleman Young of Detroit, and Harold Ward's wife on the platform. 
C.L.Jennings, Freda Katz, Frank Hashmel, 'Fred Gardiner & wife with their 
two children, Florence Romig, Carlotta Rufus, Albert Brent, William 
Cooper and wife Elizabeth, Cooper's sister from out of town, Julia Brown, 
Willie Brown, Ike Turner, Bob Decker, Mary Turner, 



bo 

Mike b7c 



Grubbs, Joe Petraus, Fred Haude, Frida Krietner, Morris Krietner, Dr. & ffl 
•Mrs Simon, from Chicago were Saam Parks, Oscar Brown Jr., Ralph Turner, 
Fred Pniket, Lillian Cash, Leon Beverly, and Octavia Hawkins. From New 
York were Paul Robeson, George Murphy, Romonia Garret, Thelma Slattery, 
Ervin Miles, Carrie Perkins, Vickie Garvin, Clifford Cameron, and Bill 
Marshall an actor, from Detroit were Harold Myers, Jimmy Watts, Dave Moore 
Joe Margan,. 

Mrs Ward was introduced by Bert, as the wife of Harold who was 
framed for muaer, she said her husband was not guilty of munder but was 
guilty of going to Russia, and was guilty of fighting for the rank and §§£ 
file memberships labor unions. 

The meeting was opened by a prayer from Rev. M.E.Nelson of 12702 
Abell Avenue. He left before the meeting was over , before leaving he 
praised the work of the N.L.C. 



-2- 

Paul Robeson came in lead "by James Wells, Bob Williams and Ray Dennis 
and others, Paul sang several songs, and spoke, he said the walls of Jim 
crow still stands and needs some one to tear it down, he asked the crowd 
should his son go over and fight the the Bjbitish soldiers against the men 
of Kenya, the crowd yelled No, No. Paul said, You better get with the folks 
if its not too late, and that he was glad he never left them. He was 
speaking of the party. He praised the riot in South Africa, and called the 
men brave, and said it won't be long before 200 million Africans are free, 

Paul introdaced Bill Marshall from New York , a very good friend of 
his. Coleman Young said the struggle will be ended only by the victory of 
jim crow, he said it was time white supremist was put back in their place. 
He spoke of the Un-American Activities Committe as a desperate force who 
went to Detroit. 

Bert said the convention here in Cleveland was here to organize and 
formulate the program in Cincinnati, he said the Council was there to do 
a job, and the job will be done. 

There was a stage play, with two white men , one negro man and 
woman, the name of one of the white men was Eddie Morek, the negro man 
was Fred Pinkard, all from Chicago. The play was from the Harvester strike . 
It protrayed a man they called a scab, with the insistence af a white 
official of the Harvester company to have him to break a picket line, and 
then later accused him of. murder, this play tried to tie in with the 
Harold Ward case. Colman read off a few places where the Council had been 
able to break through for jobs, for negroes, namelythe Gas company, and 
P.M. Schaffer company in Brooklyn, U.Y.., in Oakland Cal.,the telephone . 
and telegraph companies /in Detroit Max Shay's, in Loui#ville,Ky . , public 
and high school, General electric plant and the Board of Education. In 



• • 



-3- 



Los Angeles, Radio, and sfc'eel works, in San Fransico Sears & Robuck. 
also in Oakland, Gal they are in all key railroads they have gotten 
Jobs for ninety workers • 

A negro man named # A, Henry, it seems an official of the church clos- 
ed the meeting ♦ 



• 



ALL IJIFOKOATIOl CONTAIHEB 

HEBE HI 13 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SE/CHW 



Cleveland,' Ohio 
December 9, 1952 



MEMO SAC 

100-14442 

100-20086 

100-20116 

100-13830 

100-19277 

100-3583 

100-20421 

100-9759 

100-18667 

100-9836 

100-20402 



WILLIAMS, ROBERT 
BARROW, ELIZABETH 
BILES, SUE 
BRUDNO, GENE 
GARDNER, PRBD 
WEBB, ED 
YOUNG, EDDIE 
MOGEDOVITZ, ANN . 
McOURDY, POSTER 
RA.UTIO, MARTHA 
RUPUS, CAElotta 



100-56 

100-17704 

100-20422 

100-20087 
100-18598 

100-19433 

100-18406 

100-4602 

100-17261 

100-19935 



KILPATRTCK, ADMIRAL 

JACKSON, JAMES 

BROWN, WILLIE 

JENNINGS, LUCELIUS 

Mc CURDY, MAYME 

ROMIG, ELOSENOE 

ROTHSNBERG, DON 

SMID, JIM 

N3GR0 

NAT'L NEGRO LABOR 

COUNCIL 



Re j 



Captioned informant furnished the writer on 
November 6, 1952 the following partial list of members 
of the Cleveland Negro Labor Council with their mone- 
tary pledges, and phone numbers.' This list is as fol- 
lows: 



ELIZABETH BARROW - 
ROY^ACK 
WILLIE BROWN 
EUGENE BRUDNO 
SUE BILES • 

PLETCEER^HANEY 
ERED GARDINER 
MAYME^GASSAWAY 
RAY^^OLMSS 
JAPES JACKSON , 

LOIMfENNINGS 
ADMIRAL KILPATRIOK 
POSTER Mc CURDY 

ANNE MAGEDOVITZ 



VM^r^f/0 -J^ 



Ma 1-4977 
Ga 1-7253 
UT 1-6471 
OE 1-4095 
OE 1-0209 



SK 
MA 



1- 
1- 



SW 1-4170 
0975 
9058 
SW 1-6750 
UR 1-7057 
GL 1-7156 
HE 1-0845 
GL 1-0885 

Gl 1-2669 



Oct, 

Sept 

Sept 

Oct. 

Oct 

owes 

Sept 

Oct 

Oct 

Sept 

Sept 

Sept 

Oct 

Oct 

owes 

Sept 



& Oct. 
& Oct. 



#1.00 
& Oct 



& Oct 
& Oct 
& Oct 



#2.00 
& Oct. 



$4.00 mo 
5.00 mo 
2.00 mo 
3.00 mo 
5.00 mo 

for Sept 
3.00 mo 
3.00 mo 
2.00 mo 
2.00 mo 
3.00 mo 
5.00 mo 
5.00 mo 
4.00 

for Sept 
5.00 mo 



Si~AKvHeiJ...4»u.M...„ it*0 . .«.w Jrf 

DEC 9 1952 

FBI- CLEVELAND' 




b7D 



b7D 



w • 



•> 



Memo SAC 

AroREW^OKA.RD GA 1-8457 Oct 2*00 mo 

MAHDHA RAUTIO SU 1-2210 Oct 4.00 mo 

owes 1.00 for 
Sept 
FLO HOMIG MA. 1-4977 Oct. 5.00 mo 

DON ROTHENBERG HE 1-3327 Oct. 2.00 mo 

OARLOTTA RUTUS - MA 1-9058 Oct. 5.00 mo 

EEOEARD^TTLER ' Sept & Oct 3,00 mo 

JAMES SMID SW 1-8479 Oct. 5.00 mo 

LUCOTDA^ADE OE 1-1263 Oot 5.00 mo 

EDWARD WEBB EX 1-9278 Oct 5.00 mo and 

3.00 Sept 
ROBERT WILLIAMS Oct 5.00 mo 

ED YOIMG CE 1-0127 Oct 5.00 mo 

The names not having mai n files will be indexed. b7D 
The original list will be filed in | ~* 



■3£ ' b 



b7C 



_. 2 - 



Elizabeth Barrow 

*~ Roy* Black 
Willie Brown- 
Eugene Brudno 
Sue Biles 
Fletcher Chaney 
yred Gardiner 
Mayme Gassaway 
Ray Holmes 

James Jackson 

Lou Jennings* 

Admiral Kilpatrick 

Foster McCurdy 

Anne Magedovitz 

Andrew Pinkard 

Martiia Rautio 

Flo Romig 
Don Rotlaenberg 

Garlotta Rufus 

Richard Sattler 

James Smid 

Lucinda Wade 

Edward Wet>*b 

Robert Williams 

Ed Young 



Ma 1-4977 
Ga 1-7253 
Ut 1-6471 
Ce 1-4095 
Ge 1-0209 
Sw 1-4170 
Sk 1-0975 
Ma 1-9058 
Sw 1-6750 
Ut 1-7057 
Gl 1-7156 
He 1-0845 
Gl 1-0885 
S325XXEESSG1 
Ga 1-8457 
&u 1-2210 
Ma 1-4977 
He 1-3327 
Ma 1-9058 

Sw. 1-8479 
Ce 1-1263 
Ex 1-9278 

Ce 1-0127 



u ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

Oct $^K0 m^ 11111 IS UNCLASSIFIED 

^^^ DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBATT/SB/CMW ," 

Sept & Oct 5»00 mo ± 

Sep-t & Oct 2.00 mo , ^ 

Sl£g£ X Oct 3*00 mo 

Oct 5.00 mo owes $1.00 for Sept 
Sept & Oct 3.00 mo 

Oct 3.00 mo 

Oct 2.00 mo 
Sept & Oct 2.00 mo 
Sept & Oct 3.00 mo 
Sept &Oct 5.00 mo 

Oct 5.00 mo 

Octatft 4.00 owes $2.00 for Sept 
1-2669 Sept & Oct 5.00 mo 

Oct 2.00 mo 

Oct 4.00 mo owes 1.00 for Sept 

Oct. 5.00 mo 

Oct. 2.00 mo 

Oct. 5.00 mo 

Sept <Sb Oct 3.00 mo 

Oct. 5.00 mo 

Oct 5.00 mo 

Oct 5.00 mo and 3.00 Sept 

Oct. 5*00 mo 

Oct 5.00 mo 



] 



}U.J~&d ti ■>*-£* tUL-*£ai ^*Jf- 




jALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
^HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 
DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 10, 1952 



WLQ X SAG 

100-2053U 

100-1^911 

100-200l;2 

100-9265 

100-8501; 



BLIMENFELD, ANITA 
CLARK,, SAIIZE 
DECKER* ROBERT 

haber* wnim 

H&LfiMEK, MTON 



100-9756 

100-56 

100-231 

100-15908 

100-17269 

100-16390 



MAjBEDOVITZ, AM 
KIIPAIRICK,. ABHRAL 
KATZ, FRIEDA 
WELLS, JAMES 
DOMESTIC 
BRIEF 



The following is the verbat im report of 
' I on l l-lii-^2 . 



received by SA 

found as seria l <$^ o f 



dated 11-10-52 



bo 

The original memo will be b7c 

b7D 



"Cleveland, Ohio. 
November, 10, 1952 

11 On November 2nd, 1952 at 8: P J. a party was given at James Wells 
home 3308 Cedar Avenue in honor of XBen Careathers. Those present were Bill 
Haber, km Kilpatrick, Joe Petraus, Bob Decker, Anita Bloominfeld, Freda Katx, 
Aon Magetovits, Janes Wells, Sallie Clark, Anthony Hallemek, Ben Careathers, 
Julia Brown and the negro girl friend of ^Nathaniel Wooden first name Dorothy* 

Freda introduced Ben, who said it- would take SJwsnty five hundred 
dollars a week to fight for the defendants who were arrested in Pittsburg that 
he wanted an invitation to come back to Cleveland in six months for he knew he 
Yfould be free by then, Ben said there would be no difference in the Presidental 
election, and that the Democrats nor the Republicans were any good, but there 
would be some what of a victory if the Vi Republicans won, every one laugh, Julia 
asked Kilpatrick what every one was laughing about and Kil« said, you remember 
1929, and the fun we had. The whole party thinks things will be different, and 
that they will have a chance to pick up There they left off during the depression* 

James spoke, he said the fight against the Smith and McCarran act hed 
to go that subject is all James speaks on every where he goes. A collection 
speech was made by Julia and fifty-two d ollars was taken up» All together two- 
hundred and seventy-five dollars was raised in Dayton, Ohio and Cleveland, Dayton 
raised seventy dollars the rest was raised here* Ben was given two hundred and 
twenty dollars, Freda Kept the rest for expenses •" 



Care should be used in disseminating the above information to paraphrase 
it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



SA 



Rffi'AES 



cct Pittsburgh 
Enclosure 



SEARCHED INDEXED 

SER1ALI2ED-... j 4^/f!LED jS*^ 



DEC -0 1952 

FB 



CLEVELAND^-^ 



b6 
b7C 



b7D 



ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 
IRE IN 13 UNCLASSIFIED 

AH 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/5B/CKI 



CE 
A 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
November , 10 , 1952 • 



1 



On November 2nd, 1952 at 8:P.M. a party was given at James Wells 
home 3308 Cedar ^.venue in honor of Ben Careathers. Those present were 
Bill Haber,A. Kilpatrick, Joe Petfaus, Bob Decker, Anita Bloominfeld, 
Freda Katx, Ann Magetovitz, James Wells, Sallie Clark, Anthony Hallemek, 
Ben Careathers, Julia B^own and the negro girl friend of Nathaniel 
Wooden first name Dorothy. 

Freda introduced Ben, who said it would take 'twenty five hundred 
dollars a week to fight for the defendants who were arrested in Pittsburg 
that he wanted an invitation to come back to Cleveland in six months 
for he knew he would be free by then, Ben said there would be no differ- 
en©^in the Presidental election, and that the Democrats nor the Republic- 
ans were any good, but there would be some what of a victory if the Re- 
publicans won, every one laugh, Julia asked Kilpatrick what every one was 
laughing about and Kil.said, you remember 1929, and the fun we had. 
The whole party thinks things will be different, and that they will have 
a chance to pick up where they left off during the depression. 

James spoke ,he said the fight against the Smith and McCarran act 
hed to go that subject is all James speaks on every where he goes. A col- 
lection speech was made by Julia and fifty- two dollars was taken up. 
All together two-hundred and seventy-five dollars was raised in Dayton 
Ohio and Cleveland, Dayton raised seventy dollars the rest was raised here 
Ben was given two hundred and twenty two dollars, Frdda Kept the rest for 
expenses N 



ai win dim 
mii is mssm 

Ml 52-09-2111 R »2IIffl«l 



1 t H^r \ i/'A^I/^'l 





S, 




ter, 




I 






ALI i':rr>PKATIOBI CONTAINED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBATJ/5B/CHI 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December la, 1952 



KBKO SAC 

100-20393 
100-15911 
100-10263* 
100-14899 

100-9265 

100-20420 

100-20422 

100-14928 

100-20087 



3rent, Al 
Clark, Sallie 
Dennis, Hay 
Goodman, Ethel 
(Jennings) 
Hater, William 
[Turner.;, -{fee 
SrovmT Willie 
Wherry, Robert 
Jennings, Lucelius 



100-15575 
100-19971 
100-19433 
100-18406 
100-14573 
100-15197 
100-17261 
100-19935 
134-26 SA 



bo 
b7C 



McMillan > James 
Homig, Florence 
Hothenberg, Bon- 
Washington, Bert t 
Wherry* Margaret* 
Negro . ■ 

Nat*l Negro labor Council 



The following is the verbatim report of 



November SO, 1952, received by SA 

"pe r 8, 1952 * The original memo will "be found as serial' 3 A 
of 1 —-\ „^^£l 



dated b ^ 

on Decern- b Z' w 

b / D 



"Cleveland, Ohio. 
"November 30,1952. 

"On Sunday November 23, 1952, The Negro Labor Council held 
its last session of the National Convention at Public hall 6th and 
Lakeside Avenue. Among those from Cleveland present were, Sallie 
Clark," Margaret Wherry & husband, Katherine McCastle, James McMillan, 
Don Hothenberg, Joe Petraus, Bill Haber, Ethel Goodman, C.L. Jennings, 
Ike Turner, Albert 3rent, Willie Brown, Florence Homeg, Bert Washing- 
ton, Ray Dennis, Lee Morgan, Hay Dennis, 'Julia and Cur lee Brown. 

"A resolution was made on PlE.P.C, by Willirm Hood. He 
said the Negro labor Council denounces the treatment against their 
leaders, he called up- on the convention to put an end 'to the witch 
hunt (meaning arresting of the communist) and to give back Paul's 
transport. To call on Pres. Truman to set aside the Ho sent erg case. 
Dolly Mason f rom jjew York was elected to the National committee to 
defend negro leadership, and the Smith act victims* - . 

"Paul Brown from, Chicago but now living in Seattle, was 
introduced as a man who demonstrated himself with the struggles and 
interest of the working people said he was going back to continue to 




b7D 



ccf^D'etroit (2) 
Ciiicago (2) 

New York (2) 
Seattle (2) 



SEARCHED INDEXED ^ 

SEaiALinED ^^\LZD-.j&£l.. 

DEC 12JS52 

Fbl -CLEi/cLAfJ 




b7D 



,5. 



# 



nv T?n 



b7D 



"fight to to the time of his trial which is Jebx-aexj 1, 1952, he will 
he with the council fighting, and, he felt the Smith Act can "be defeated. 
Pau said he is charged with Inspiring to advocate the overthrow of 
the U.S. Government, and that his relatives are heing intimidated, 
and his father's job threatened. Arthur McJpII from Detroit, said 
he saw the Martinville seven killed, and was at the funeral of the 
Moore's in Minis Florida, end that Paul Bobeson was every thing they 
stood for, Paul was also the greatest living American, McPall said 
every negro American should do his hit in expanding the Peace program, 
to tell it on the house tops that Robeson is their leader* 

"Ashburh Howrrd or Harris a leader of the ff.LC. in the South 
(think its Alabama) said until the South liberates the working class 
both negro and white will be enslaved, the south is the battle ground, 
and the fight must be won in the south, 

"A negro last nsane Johnson from California said* there is 
a loyalty clause which prevents white and negro unity* William Marshall, 
Ired O^eil and John Dobbs were introduced as actors from Hew York* 
Those three were put on the Culture committee of the H.L.C Dobbs 
said there was nothing in the Theatre for people who thought any thing 
of negroes. Dobbs has been an actor for twenty eight years, and in 
1950 was on the National broadcasting system* 

"H.L.C. officers were elected for 1953, with Hood President, 
Young executive secretary, Octavia Hawkins, Treasurer, Ernest Thompson, 
director* 

"In all there were one thousand two hundred and fifty-six 
delegates three hundred and seventy-one visitors* There' was a collec- 
tion made for Harold Wards defense $244*66$*. Pledges were made of 
$2225.00, for the council a collection of $1,134.00 was raised. A 
white man was introduced as Demayo, he said the national office ex- 
pense was fourteen hundred dollars a month and the council needed a 
budget of fifty thousand dollars, among some of the contributors 
were the local 600 delegates one-hundred dollars. Cleveland delegates 
two hundred end eighty three dollars* district 11 U*E. Local one- 
thoussnd dollars* ]?ort Wayne TJ.E, district 9 one hundred dollars, 
Almagated local 453, fifty six dollars, local 101 U.E* one hundred 
dollars, local 600 in Detroit one hundred dollars, Pittsburgh dele- 
gates paying sixty dollars of their one hundred dollars, Harvesters 
strikers ten dollars, local 471 in Washington one hundred dollars 
3?*S.P..C. council no name twenty five dollars, a Jim Corncut fifty 
dollars, U.?.W*A. local one hundred dollars, a few more pledges could 
not be heard. 



-3~ 



• 



• 



CV 10 



I I 



b7D 



"Every one was asked to go "back to their homes and meke the 
next convention a "bigger one, and more reports on the gain of freedom, 
and peace. tf 



Care should he used in disseminating the ahove information 
to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



b6 
b7C 



SA 



-,3- 



*o» --* if^ - 



^AL 
^ 



,ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

IRE IN IS UNCLASSIFIED 
DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAN/SB/CMOT 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
November , 30, 1952 • . 



On Sunday November 23, 1952, ?he Negro Laboa? Council held its last 
session of the National Convention- ai v Public hall' 6th and Lakeside Avenue.' 
Among those from Cleveland, present were|, Sallie Clatek, Margaret Wherry & 
husband, Katherine McCastle, James McMillan^ Don Rothenberg, Joe Petraus, 
Bill Haber, Ethel Goodman, C .L.Jennings;, Ike Turner, Albert Brent, Willie 
Brown, Florence Romeg, Bert Washington:, Ray Dennis, Lee Morgan, Ray Dennis 
Julia and tfurlee Brown. / 

A resolution was made on F.E.'P.C, by William Hood. He said the Negro* 
labor Council denounces the treatment against their leaders, he called up- 
on the convention to put an end to the witch hunt&meaning arresting of the 
communist) and to give back Paul 1 '^ transport. To call on Pres. Truman to 
set aside the Rosenberg case. Dolly Mason from New York was elected to the 
National committee to defend negro leadership, and the Smith act vifctims. 

Paul Brown from Chicago but now living in Seattle, was introduced as 
a man who demonstrated himself with the struggles and interest of the 
working people said he was going back to continue to fight up to the time 
of his trial which is February 1, 1953, he will be with the council fight- 
ing, and that he felt the Smith Act can be defeated. Paul said he is charg 
ed with Inspiring to advocatetfehe 'Overthrow of the U,S. Government .and that 
his relatives are being intimidated, and h£s father's job threatened. 
Arthur McFall from Detroit, said lie saw the Martinville seven killed, and # 
was at the funeral of, the Moore's in Mims Florida, and that Paul Robeson 
was every thing they stood for, Paul was also the greatest living American. 



i '3 



**"-- * » • 



-2- 

McFall said every negro American should do his hit in expanding the 
Peace program, to tell it on the/ house tops that Robeson is their leader. 

Ashbury Howard or Harris a leader of the H.L.O. in the South (think 
its Alabama) said until the South\ liberates the working class both negro 
and white will be enslaved, the south is the battle ground, and the fight 
must be won in the south. \ 

A feegro last name Johnson from California said there is a loyality 
clause which prevents white and negro jbnity. William Marshall, Fred O'Heil 
and John Dobbs were introduced as actojrs from New York. Those three were 
put on the Culture committee of the tyCL.C. Dobbs said there was nothing 

in the Theatre for people who thought any thing of negroes. Dobbs has 
been an actor for twenty eight years, and in 1950 was on the National 
broadcasting system, 

N.L.C. officers were elected for 1953, with Hood Pre si dent, Young 
executive secretary, Octavia Hawkins, Treasurer, Ernest Thompson, director, 
In all there were one thousand two hundred and fifty-six delegates 
'three? hundred and seventy-one visitors . There was a collection made for 
Harold Wards defense $244.66^. §££$$§§§ Pledges were made of $2225.00, 
for the council a collection of $1,134.00 was raised. A white man was 
introduced as Demayo, he said the National office expense was fourteen 

hundred dollars a month and ihe council needed a budget of fifty thousand 

I \ 
dollars, among some of the contributes were the local 600 delegates one- 
hundred dollars. Cleveland delegates two hundred and eighty three dollars, 
dietrict 11 U.E. local one-thousand dollars . Fort Wayne U.E. district 9 
one hundred dollars, Almagated local 1 453, $ fifty six dollars, local 101 
U.E. one hundred dollars, local 600 in-Detroit one hundred dollars, §§ 
Pittsburgh delegates paying sixty dollars of their one hundred dollars. 



v- 



-3- 

Harvesters strikers ten dollars, local 471 in Washington one hundred 
dollars F.E.P.C. council no name twenty five dollars, a Jim Corncut 
fifty dollars, U.P.W.A. local one hundred dollars, a few more #$0M#$$e& 
pledges could not he heard. 

Every one was asked to go "back to their homes and make the next 
convention a bigger one, and more reports on the gain of freedom, and 
peace. 



i. &&ji 



■ J^iflfa ^i. i ■ -n — - I ut^^^^gLmm^mm^^mtm t*\ lH 



STANDARD FORM NO. 64 




ce 



UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT 



TO 



FROM 



SUBJECT; 



SAC 



SA 



- DATE: December 12, 1952 

"ALL INFORMATION COMTMiED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBA¥/SB/CM j 



h6 

b7C 

b7D 



Captioned infor&ant "orally -advised- the writer on -December^, 
1952 that , on December 4, : 1952,. informant drove EDITH tiWER home 
from . a jneeting (see se parate rep ort on meeting) and while thus 

' associated, EDITS told | that she\had not seen.HY LUMER 
in quite some t iine ; " and that ^ shre ~d id not £now when she would see 
kim*£gain» She- said she has., not had much ;of .a married life ' 

\latfcly. . EDITH said. HI was underground and .that' she never receives 
word from him directly, and never knows where, he .is half the 'timq.i 

. Informant* felt that EDITH meant that she receives word from HY ' , ., 
through, ia third/party* Eor information* * .- * \'y *- * *'. ■ ■ :, * .-" 

U — , b 



b7D 



b7D , 



cc: 100-4212-, 
;-. 100-9768. * 



■ - * * ^ ~ 








b6 
.b7C 
-b7D 



1 



4*S*r-r ^ 



«^> * ^ ->* 



ALL DIFOEMATIOIJ CONTAINED 
HERE III IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/C1W 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 15, 1952 



MEMO SAC 

100-19li2li 
100-20Ci2 
100-li;899 

100-9265 
100-13507 
100-10760 
IOO-202I43 



BERMAN, NETTA 
DECKER, ROBERT 
GOODMAN, ETHEL 
(JENNINGS) 
HABER, WILLIAM 
HAUG, FRED 
KRAMER, ART 
ROSENBERG COMMITTEE 



100-20087 

100-231 

100-237 

100~7lt6l 

100-19Il33 

100-15197 

100-17087 



JENNINGS, LTJCELIUS 
KATZ, FRIEDA. 
KATZ, DAVE 
LAND, JEROME 
ROMIG, FLORENCE 
WHERRY, MARGARET 
•CRC 



The following is the v erbatim report of I 
November lk f 1952 received by SA J 
2k. 1952. The original memo will be found" as serial 



on Nj 

-A 



dated 
ember 
of 



"Cleveland, Ohio* 
November, lUth 1952* 

"On Saturday at 8:Bff November 8th 1952 a' meeting was held 
at the Sterling Hotel 3002 Prospect Avenue sponsored by the Ohio 
Committee for the defense of the Rosenbergs* There were about two 
hundred people present, among those recognized were, Hope Ort, Freda 
Katz, Bill Haber, Joe Petraus and his wife, Dave Katz«^Julia Brown, . 
Margaret Wheray, Nettie Berman who was chairman, Maxfekloung and his 
w&e, Berth^fennenbaum, Florence Romig/ Ethel Goodman, and C.L. 
Jennings, Bob Decker, Jerry Land, Fred Hauge, and Art Kramer* 

"Nettia introduced the Lawyer for the Rosenbergs, Dav$_d 
Alman, he said there were one hundred and thirty five witnes and 
only five were called, and only the brother of Ethel was the cause 
of the conviction* he said the couple was kept about a block apart 
and the children ages four and nine had to go from father* to mother 
. to see them, Alman said the Warden had been asked if the parents 
could be together when the childred made their visit, but was re- 
fused, he said the children were being intimadated by the F.B.I* and 
made fun of by the school children. He said there were no jews on - 
the jury, he said the Judge went in his chamber to pray to God for a 



a 



■■"BMRJRfftn^a 



b6 

b7C 

b7D 



b7D 



cc: 1 - Cincinnati 
1 - New York 










• 



MEMO SAC 



"decision and came out with a verdict of electrocution* 

"Netta introducted Rabbi Abraham Cronbach, who said there 
was no lie detector test taken from the Rosenbergs. Altho the Rabbi 
favored' communism, he denounced the word communist, and said it was 
the most hellish word, and should be stricken from the dictionary, 
A collection of one thousand and thirty dollars was taken up#" 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information 
to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
PHI IS UNCLASSIFIED 

'DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHCT 



Cleveland, Ohio, 
November, 14th 1952, 



On Saturday at 8:PM November 8th 1952 a meeting was held at the 
Sterling Hotel 3002 Prospect A,venuecsponsoredbby the Ohio Committee 
for the defense of the Rosenbergs, There were about two hundred § 
people present, among those regognized were, Hope Ort, Freda Katz, 
Bill Haber, Joe Petraus and his wife, Dave- Eats', Julia Brown, Margaret 
Wherry, Nettie Berman who was chairma n, Maxie Young and his wife, 
Bertha Tennenbaum, Florence Romig, Ethel Goodman, and C.L.Jennings, 
Bob Decker, Jerry Land, Bfred Hauge, and Art Kramer. 

Nettia introduced the Lawyer for the Rosenbergs, David Alman, he 
said there were one hundred and thirty five witnes and only five were 
called, and only the brother of Ethel was the cause of the conviction, 
he said the couple was kept about a block apart and the children ages 
four and nine had to go from father to mother to see them, Alman said the 
"Warden had been asked if the parents could' be together when the childred 
made their visit, but was refused, he said the children* were being in- 
timadated by the F.B.I, and made fun of , by the school children. He said 
there were no jews on the jury, he said the Judge went in his chamber 
to pray to God for a decision and came out with a verdict of electroc- 
ution. 

Netta introducted Rabbi Abraham Cronbach , who said there was no 
lie detector test taken from the Rosenbergs , Altho the Rabbi favored 
communism, he denounced the word communist, and said it was the most 

hellish word, and should be stricken from the dictionary. 

A colledtion of one thousand and thirty dollars was taken up. 



* 



ALL IHFORHATION COMTAI1ED 
HERE III IS UNCLASSIFIED 
DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/3E/CMF 
f 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 1$ 3 19^2 



ismo sac 
100- 

100-20£# 

100-200U3 
100-19938 
100-18U06 



OCHMAN, RITA 
VAN KIRK, GALE 
ROSENBERG,COIMITTEE 
BENE', ETHEL 
ROTHENBERG, DON 



100-19339 
100-10802 
100-17087 
100-10712 



HARRIS, JOAN 
GREENFIELD, AL 
CRC 
NAACP 



The following is the verbatim report of 



20, 19^2 received by SA [ 



dated November 



original memo will be found as serial 



] on November 2k. 1 9^2. The 

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"On Tuesday PM. at 8:30 November 18th 19^2 a meeting was held 
at the Hollander Hotel by the Ohio committee for the defense of the 
Rosenbergs. Twenty two were present, Ethel Renee, Don Rothenberg, Joan 
Harris, Gale VanKirk, Rita Ochman, Hope Ort, Lillian Mtoed, Julia Brown, 
Al Greenfield, PaulaVHeffner, and Bertha jfennenbaunu 

"Lillian inform the people that they had only five weeks to work, 
every one seemed very worred , and made plans to contact every organization 
possible, namely, The National council of Jewish women, the N.A.A.C.P. altho 
the N.A.A.C.P. had turned them down tvd.ce. All labor unions, all colleges, 
the students, and not the officials, all Ministers, all newspapers. Oberlin 
college was mentioned by Al Greenfield. Al said he had gone to all the 
newspapers and the call and post, and the Herald were the only papers who 
would consent to print anything. One Jewish paper head said the Rosenbergs 
should die guilty, or not guilty, Al said he asked why and the man said be- 
cause they were communist, he did not name the paper. He said the commit- 
tee had called Rabbi Silver, and the Rabbi refused to have any thing to do 
Tilth the case, in fact none of the Jewish ministers would have any thing to 
do with the case, except Rabbi Cronbach. 'Lillian said none of the Professional 
people would consent to come out in the open and help the Rosenbergs. The 
whole meeting was a drag out of wondering what to do, and asking for sugges- 
tions* A meeting will be held next Wednesday November 26th 195>2 at Rita 
Ochman home 10703 Ashbury Avenue." 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information to para- 
phrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 

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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

Mil 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHOT 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
November, 20th 1952 



On Tuesday PM. at 8:30 November l@th 1952 a meeting was held 
at the Hollands^ Hotel by the Ohio oommitte for the defense of the 
Rosenbergs. Twenty two were present, Ethel Renee, Don Rothenberg, Jaan 
Harris, Gale VanKirk, Rita Ochman, Hope Ort, Lillian Moed, Julia Brown, 
Al Greenfield, Paula Heffner,and Bertha Tennenbaum. 

Lillian inform the people that they had only five weeks to work, 
every one seemed very worred,and made plans to contact every organizat- 
ion possible, namely, The National council of Jewish woman, the N.A.A. 
C.P. altho the N.A.A.C.P. had turned them down twice. All labor unions, 
all colleges, the students, and not the officials , all Ministers, all news- 
papers. Oberlin college was mention by Al Greenfield. Al said he had 
gone to all the newspapers and the call and post, and the Herald were 
the p only papers who would consent to print any thing. One Jewish paper 
head said the Rosenbergs should die guilty,, or not guilty, Al said he 
asked why and the man said because they were communist, he did not name, 
the paper. He said the committee had called Rabbi Silver, and the Rabbi 
refused to have any thing to do with the case, in,. fact none of the Jew- 
ish ministers would have any thing to do with the case, except Rabbi 
Gronbach. Lillian sa.id none, of the Professional people would consent to 
come out in the open and help the Rosenbergs. The whole 'meeting was a 
drag out of wondering what to do, and asking for suggestions. 
A meeting will be held next Wednesday November 26th 1952 at Rita Ochman 
home 10703 Ashbury Avenue. 



r 



ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBA1/SB/CHIJ 



D SAC 



December l£, 1952 
Cleveland, Ohio 



100-15369 

100-231 

100-15908 



HASHMEL, PRANK 
KATZ, FRIEDA 
HELLS, JAMES 



100-U607 ZAZRIVY, ELSIE 
100-17087 CRC 



The following is the verbatim repor t of 



20, 1952 received by SA 

original memo mil be found as serial 



W 



. __, , dated November 

o n November 2lu 1952 ♦ The 
ofl 



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"Thursday November 20th 1?£2 at U:PM at 5103 Euclid Avenue, a 
small group of people waited in the office to meet Frank Hashmel back from 
his trial in Akron Ohio .Freda Katz, James "Wells, Elsie Zazrivy, Julia Bro-vm 
waited for Frank, who came in at five o'clock, he said he could not get his 
bail reduced, Freda interrupted him by showing him a letter from an invalid 
man with a dollar in it to help with his defense, this man's name is Julius 
J^trueb, 53U E. 3U0th Street, Willowby , Ohio, he denounced the American system 
/|of Government, and said he was with Frank a hundred per cent* Julia drove 
Frank and Heda home where Frank was staging until Friday ♦** 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information to 
paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant. 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCEA1/3B/CHW 



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Cleveland, Ohio. 
November 20th 1952. 



Thursday November 2'0th 1952 at 4:PM at 5103 Euclid Avenue, a small" 
group of people waited in the office to meet Frank Hashmel back from his 
trial in Akron Ohio .Freda Eatz, James Wells, Elsie Zazrivy, Julia Brown 
waited for Frank, who came in at five o'clock, he said he could not get 
his bail reduced, Freda interrupted him by showing him a letter from an 
invalid man with a dollar in it to help with his defense, this man's 
name is Julius Trueb, 534 E. 340th Street, Willowby, Ohio, he denounced 
the American system of Government, and said he was with Frank a hundred 
per cent. Julia drove Frank and Freda home where Frank was staying until 
Friday .. 



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Brooklyn Station, 




9. 



ALL IWFOEHATIOH COHTAIHED 

(HEREIN 13 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIHJ 



MEMO SAC 

100-20393 
100-15911 

100-20042 

100-10263 
100-19277 

100-14899 

100-20421 

100-17381 

100-9759 
IOO-56 

100-20422 



Brent, &L 100-20402 

Clark, Sallie 100-3583 

Decker, Robert 100-20087 

Dennis, Ray 100-19433 

Gardner, Fred 100-18406 

Goodman, Ethel 100-14573 

(Jennings) 100-15908 

Young, Eddie 100-17261 

Security 100-19935 
Magedovits, Ann 

Kilpatrick, Admiral 100-20420 

Brown, Willie " 100-1112 



Cleveland, Ohio 

1EC t 9 1952 



Rufus, Corlotta 
Webb, Eddie 
Jennings, Lucelius 
Romig , Flo r ence 
Rothenberg, Don 
Washington, Bert 
Wells, James 
Negro 

National Negro 
Labor Council 
Turne r, Ike 
Simans, Dr. J« N # 



The following is the vfi-phatl. m report of 

dated November' 17, 1952 received by SA | 

on November 18, 1952. The ori ginal memo will be found as 
serial _._*/]. of 



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"Cleveland, Ohio 
"November 17, 1952 



n 0n November 16th 1952 a meeting was held at the 
Negro Labor Council, 5311 Woodland Avenue at 4:P.M., to map 
out plans for the convention* There were about forty persons 
present, among those recognized were, Bert Washington, chairman 
with Eddie Webb, Ethel Goodman, Charlotta Rufus, Florence 
Romig, at the speakers table, others were Ray Dbnnis, JJillie* 
Brown., Eddie Young, Bob Decker, C # L, Jennings, Georgia Sims,^ 
Boly Williams, Ike Turnejft A. Kilpatrick, Fred Gardiner, Sallie" 
Brown, James Wells, SamtParks and his wife and Sidne$ Brown from 
Chicago, 

"Friday night at eight o f clock November 21st 1952 
the first meeting will be at St. Matthews Church at 35th and 
Scoville Avenue. Among the selection of various positions were 
men for muscle jobs/ Bert said that he expected a big crowd 
out side of unwanted guest, such as the police department and 
the F.B.I., before Bert could finish speaking, Sam Parks inter- 
rupted him by asking Bert to melee the selection of mem private, 
with A. Kilpactrick head of the muscel squad f Sam said there 
would have to be men on the out side in cars to watch for the 
bulls, and men on the in side. Sam and Bert is to draft these, 
men. These men are to prevent any one from coming to the meeting 



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"that they do not want. These muscle men will be retain through- 
out the three day of the convention, 

' "Sam was under question by the Un-American Activities 
Committee, he said he became very angry because he knew he was 
on the winning side,. and the committee was on the loseing side, 
and every one would find out when the President elect takes his 
seat that he is on the winning side," 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMW 



1 



Cleveland, Ohio* 
Novembeg, 17, 1952. 



On November 16th 1952 a meeting was held at the Hegro Labor 
Council, 5311 Woodland Avenue at 4:P.M., to map out plants for the. 
convention. There were about forty person present, among those re-cog 
nized were, Bert Washington,' chairman with Eddie Webb, Ethel Goodman/ 
Charlotta Rufus, Florence Romig, at the speakers table, others were, 
Ray Dennis, Willie Bi?own, Eddie Young, Bob Decker, C.L.Jennings, Georgia 
Sims, Bob Williams, Ike Turner, A. Kilpatrick, Fred Gardiner, Sallie 
Clark, Don Rothenberg, Albert Brent, Ann Magetovltz, Dr. SSmon, Julia 
Brown, James Wells, Sam Parks and his wife and Sidney Brown from Chicago 
Friday night at eight o, clock November 21st 1952 the first meeting 
will be at St Matthews Church at 35th and Scovill Avenue .Among the selec- 
tion of various positions were men for muscle jobs, Bert said that he 
expected a big crowd out side of unwanted guest, such as the police de- 
partment and the F,B.I. before Bert could finish speaking, Sam Parks in- 
terrupted him by asking Bert to make the selection* of mem private, with 
A. Kilp#actrick headof the muscel squad. Sam said there would have to be 
men on the out side in cars to watch for the bulls, and mem on the in side 
Sam and Bert is to draft these men. These men are to prevent any one from 
coming to the meeting that they do not want. These muscle men will be re- 
tain through out the three day of the convention. 

Sam was under question by the Un-American Activities Committee 
he said he became very angry because he knew he was on the winning side, 
and the committee- was on the ld>seing aide, and every onEwquld find out 
when the President e-leot takes his seat that he is &n the winning side. 



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ALL BIFOIOttTIOI COMTAIHED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02^09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMW 



v« .. 



Cleveland, 0hi6 
Dedeniber 19, 1952 



MEMO SAC 

100 r 9265 

66-lt75U 

100-202ij3 

100-6336 

100-1^369 

100-231 



HABER, jijJILLIAM 

ROSENBERG COMMITTEE 
KRAUSE, JOE 
HASHMALL, FRANK 
KATZ, ERIEDA 



100-^602 
100-8850 

100-15908 

100-17087 
100-17261 

100-19935 



SEED, JIM 

TURNER, MARY 

1ELLS, JAMES 

CRC 

NEGRO 

NAT'L NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 



The following is the v erbatim report off 



November 18, -1952 received by S Af 

21, 1952 . The original memo will be found as serial 



| dated 

J on November 
'" of 



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"Cleveland, Ohio, 
November 18, 1952* \ 

"Monday at about 3:P.M, November 17, 19^2 Ereda Katz called 
Julia Brown over the telephone,, and informed her that Erank Hashmel 
was in Cleveland, and that Julia call a few special people to be at - 
the meeting for 8:P.M. to here Frank. The few specials were Joe 
Krause, Joe Petraus, Jim Smid, James Wells, and Mary Turner* Those 
are some of the people Eredo told Julia a few weeks ago are true and 
tried. - Some how Ereda is beginning to get cagey. 

"At 8jP.M. .the same night at 5103 Euclid Avenue, those pre- . 
sent at the meeting were Erank Hashmal, James Wells* Freda Katz, Julia 
Brown, Bill Haber and Jim Smid* The Rosenberg case was discussed as 
to what could be done to help free them, Julia was asked to be at the 
Hotel Hollenden on Tuesday night at 8:P,M. Vovember 18, 19^2 to act 
as the delegate of the Civil Rights Congress to take notes and make a 
report on the discussion of the Rosenberg case by the Peace Conference* 

"Frank told of his arrest and said it was a frame up because 
of hie activities in the communist party, that he was beaten by six 
prisoners by the go sign of the Officials. Ereda said she got in touch 
with New York and arranged the five-thousand dollars bail for Erank. - 



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"The trial will be Thursday November 20th 1952 in Akron Ohio, Julia 
has been asked to drive Freda, Bill, and Frank there for the trial, at 
l:P*Mi Telegrams are to be sent to Governor Lauschee^ and the Sheriff 
of that county, protesting the brutal beating of Frank* 

"Jim Smid told of two F.B.I* s meeting him n^s.r the park 
where he parks his car, and trying to question him, he said the man 
kept mumbling some thing to hiia but he. could not understand what he 
was talking about, the man followed him, and when he got near his 
home Jim said another man met this man and they both- bold him they 
wanted to take him home, Jim said it was just one of those things to 
intimadate him. This happened on Friday P*M* November Ik* 1952 ♦ 

"Bill Haber is making up a two page leaflet for distribu- 
tion, telling of the police brutality, the UnWAjnerican Activities 
Committee and so on> with a picture of Captain Ugvary*s on it; The 
C.RkG. is trying to get to-gether leaflets to distuibute at the con- 
vention of the Negro Labor Council*" 

Care should be used in disseminating the above information 
to paraphrase it so as not to reveal the identity of the informant* 



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ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 

HEREIN IS OTCLAS3IFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAU/SB/CHCT 



Cleveland, Ohio. 
November 18,1952. 



Monday at about 3: P.M. November 17, 1952 Freda Eat z' called Julia 
Brown over the telephone, and informed her that Frank Hashmel was in 
Cleveland, and that Julia call a few special people to be at the meet- 
ing for 8:P.M. to here Frank. The few specials were Joe Krause, Joe'jft 
Petraus, Jim Smid, James Wells, and Mary Turner. Those are some of the 
people Freda told Julia a few weeks ago are true and tried. Some how 
Freda JLssbeginning to get cagey. 

At 8:P.M. the same night at 5103 Euclid Avenue, those preaent at 
the meeting were Frank Hashmal, James Wells. Freda Katz, Julia Brown, 
Bill Haber and Jim Smid. The Rosenberg case was discussed as to what could 
be done to help free them, Julia was asked to be at the Hotel Hollenden 
on Tuesday night at 8:P.M. Vovember 18, 1952 to act as the delegate of the 
Civil Rights Congress to take notfiSand make a report on the discussion 
of the Rosenberg case by the Peace Conference.. . 

Frank told of his arrest and said it was a frame up because of hie 
activities in the communist party, that he was beaten by six prisoners by 
the go sign of the Officials . Freda said she got in touch with New York 
and arranged the five-thousand dollars bail for Prank. The trial will be 
Thursday November 20th 1952 in Akron Ohio, Julia has been asked to drive 
Freda, Bill, and Frank there for the trial, at UP.M. Telegrams are to be 
sent to Governor Lauschee, and the Sheriff of that county, protesting the 
brutal beating of Frank. 



• 4 

Jim Smid told of two F.B.I's meeting him near the park where he parks 
his oar, and trying to question him, he said the man kept mumbling some 
thing to him but he could not understand what he was talking about, the 
man followed him, and when he got near his home Jim said another man met 
this man and they both told him they wanted to take him home, Jim said it 
was just one of those things to intimadate him. This happened on Friday P.M. 
November 14, 1952. 

Bill Haber is making up a two page leaflet for distribution, telling 
of the police %##§$$$$$# brutality, the Un-American Activities Committee 
and so on, with a picture of Captain Ugvary's picture on it. The C.R.C. ieL 
trying to get to-gether leaflets to distuibute at the convention of the 
Negro Labor Council. 



Henry I, Qjisin, 



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I 110111101 COIUillD 
Mil IS IllSSHl / 

Ml 02-09-2011 Iff 603MUCBAWSE/CIJ. 



P.O,Box 2211, 




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Cleveland 3, Ohio, 



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iDATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBA1/3B/CIW ...,'' / 









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ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCEA1/5B/CIW 



MEMO SAO 

100-18760 
100-11731 



Progressive Party 
Pauline Taylor 

100-16463 



100-18406 
100-18972 
Political 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



Don Rothehberg 
Mel Mitchell 



items of literature: 



furnished the writer on November 6, 1952, the following 



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1. A* one page mimeographed letter on stationary of the Progressive 
Party of Ohio, 5103 Euclid Avenue, Cleveland 3, Ohio, received hy informant 
Octoher 11, 1952, announcing the aopearance of VINCENT HALLDLAN, Progressive 
Party candidate for President, on October 17, 1952. This letter is signed 

by DOIT E0THENBEEG-, Executive Secretary, and MELBOURNE B. MITCHELL, Cuyahoga 
County Chairman of the Progressive Party, 

2. A one page mimeographed announcement received by informant 
October 21, 1952, from Progressive Party of Ohio, announcing an Executive 
Board meeting for Wednesday, .October 22, 1952. 

3« A lithographed throw away received hy informant October 20, 
1952, issued "by the Progressive Party of Ohio, Mrs* PAULINE TAYLOE, Chairman, 
and DON R0TBENBERG-, Executive Secretary, with a photo of VINCENT HALLINAN 
and Progressive Party comments on the coming election. 

4. "The Independent", issue No. 34, October 24, 1952, and received 
*by informant October 20, 1952* "The Independent" is the local Progressive 
Party periodical and contains the political announcement of local Progressive 
Party candidate&to local and national offices. This issue also contained 
a photograph odrnMSMGEi 0. PAINE, Republican candidate for Congress in Ohio, 
the 21st Congressional District, and announced the progressive Party support 
of this candidate, 



These items will be'placed in the informant's file 



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5/C3 £€t#et*t #i*> Ceaw£ct*t& 3 Ohco M£**€£&*s$c*t, I -33Z7 

Hear.Fellw Progressive* ... 

YOK3B3E E-UX^N^. OW. RA3XTDA3JK? I^'THSSTOEOT , TELL APBlAE 
IB PERSON THIS FRIDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 17th, Here is our bi^oh.*-.- +~ *m»« 
to thousands of Clerolanders the Progra Ss i TO p arty p^e Program* This will 
be Hallinan's only Ohio appearance » The success of this meeting is largely 
in your heads. It depends on what you do with the enclosed tickets, what you 
tell your friends—use your telephone this week to let Cleveland in on the 
Eallinan meeting. 

We have less than. a week to build this mass meeting. Our 
campaign can and will be a success if tho-HaUlnor^ meeting, is-**** hi.«fc-p~*** 
of our oampaigou With your cooperation we can do tho $ob* 

If you need more tickets or more leaflets or can help in 
any other way to prepare for this, meeting ^akop-©*** <:5^tri3*^i<>xxa, help 
in the office* etc*) please let us know. 

Tell everybody you talk to that they will be able to se$ 
and hear in person the only Peace Candidate for President of the United States 
this Friday night • 



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Don Rothenberg^ V 
Sscoo'vxtirvref Seo-rvhsory 



Fraternally, 

\jfoaiuu^. \uAcJUmJL. 
Melbourne B. MitchellJB- 



J!ffl»fl37 



A FRG3PKSIVJ5 PARTY OF OHIO 
^^ 5105 Jiuolid Avenue 

Cleveland 3, Ohio 






ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



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■ACZ7<IM$ 



WEDNESDAY OCTOBER 22, 8-.30,„. 



AGEW1DA 



1. Report on Hallinan Meeting 

2. Distribution of Write-in Leaflet 

Concentration on key precincts 
Stevenson Meeting—Thursday, October 23 
Shop gate distributions 

3» Payne Campaign 

4# November 1st Election Rally 

PLEASE BRING MONEY COLLECTED FOR HALLINM MEETING AND UNSOLD TICKER WITH TOO, 



dpowa 87 



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ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED 
REIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

"ATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



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$0<e 




VINCENT HALLINAN— Son of Irish 
working people, noted Labor and Civil 
Rights lawyer, crusader against civic 
corruption, father of six boys. 



HEAR HALLINAN 



Radio Station WGAR 
(1220 on the dial) 

FRIDAY, Oot, 24, 11:15 p.m. 



also 

"PROGRESSIVE PARTY ON THE AIR" 

Radio Station WERE 
(1300 on the dial) 

Sunday, Oct» 26, 6 p»BU 
Sunday* Nov» 2, 6 p«nu 
Monday, Nov. 3, 8:45 p*su 



ADLAI STEVENSON: 

I [MILIEU 



TO TELL WHERE YOU STAND 



Nr*s#s#>*r**#^# 



ON ENDING 
THE KOREAN WAR NOW! 

As Presidential Candidate of the Progressive Party, I 
say: "Whoever heard of a war being continued over 
the exchange of prisoners of war? Stop the fighting 
now — talk afterwards!" 

The Gallup Poll says 70% of the American people 
want to end the war in Korea. A war that has taken 
over 117,000 "American casualties — that is impover- 
ishing us with the highest prices in history — and 
no end in sight! 

But do the Republicans and Democrats — who speak 
"peace" — propose an end to the war NOW? 

Eisenhower says: (( 1 do not have any prescription for 
bringing the Korean war to a decisive end . . . " 

Stevenson says: "TBere is, of course, no tidy solution 
to the Korean problem . . ." 

PROGRESSIVE PARTY SAYS: Stop the. fighting 
now — which every day only creates more death and 
destruction, more problems . . . Immediate armistice 
at the already agreed-upon demarcation line — let 
civilian arbitrators settle the question of returning 
Korean and Chinese prisoners afterwards! 

MR. STEVENSON: Again I Challenge You — If 
You REALLY Stand for PEACE, CALL FOR END- 
ING THE KOREAN WAR NOW! 




Progressive Party of Ohio 5103 Euclid Avenue Cleveland 3, Ohio HE 1-3327 

Mrs. Pauline Taylor, Chirm. Don Rothenberg, Exec. Sec'y 

dpowa87 





ALL XMFOPHATJOM COMTA11ED 

HERE II IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 





X 1547^ 



President!, 




INSTRUCTIONS TO ^»-^ 



"a. To vote for the candidate* for president ar£ v&a*i>re#Jdent who** name* are 
printed within one of the enclo*ed rectangular *p*J»J*Law^jmrk "X" in the circle 
within tuch rectangular »pace. Such "X" mark will be co^n/ed a* « vote for eaeh of 
the candidate* for presidential elector who*e name* are a1*o printed within the rec- 
tangular apace which enclose* the circle in wliicrf the "X" mart is placed. Do not mark 
"X" in more than one circle or cl*cwhere upon thi* ballot." 

"b If you tear, soil, deface, or crroneoutly mark thi* ballot, return it to the precinct 
election officer* and obtain another 'ballot." 



The Democrats and Republicans have kept the Progressive Party 
off the Ohio ballot because you and I want Peace and we will 
vote for Peace candidates ♦ There is no "lesser evil% 
difference between the two old parties on the major issues of 
the campaign o Both support the senseless slaughter in Korea, 
both double-talk on civil rights^ Republicans openly support 
Taft-Hartley and Democrat Truman has used it nine times to 
break strikes. BUT, YOU CAN VOTE FOR PEACE ON NOV* !*. 



For President 
ADLAI E. STEVENSON 





~cP&AL 







PROGRESSIVE PARTY CANDIDATES 5 VINCENT 
H&LLINAN, labor attorney, for President, 
and MRS. CHARLOTTA BASS, courageous Negro 
woman for Vice-President* 



Although the Ohio law is not clear 
on write-ins, a write-in for Halli- 
nan and Bass will NOT invalidate 
your vote for Congressional and 
other candidates. A write-in for 
Hallinan and Bass WILL be a warning 
to the politicians to stop the 
fighting in Korea now* 



For .Esgsideg^ 
^-^^TT^S^ElSENHOWER 

1^^- RepuWico 








Vote for immediate cease-fire in Korea, for compulsory FEPC, 
for repeal of Taft-Hartley* Use your vote wisely * WRITE IN 
HALLINAN AND BASS. 

dpowa37 



PROGRESSIVE PARTI OF OHIO 
5103 Euclid, Cleveland 3, 0« 
Pauline Taylor, Chairman 
Don Rothenberg, State Dir« 



J 



eh 



sV 




> final 




3 PUBLISHED WEEHLY BY THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF OHIO 



October a*. i95 2 5j03 EUCLID AVE. t CLEVELAND 3, OHIO -HEnderson J-3327 



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^^ issue r ^Geneva) 
*&?! covets ' ^«that ^ottA 



ALL IliJF0F!j€ATI01iJ C0HTAIHED 

HEREIBI 15 UNCLASSIFIED 
DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324U1 

"You have just 
to bo "° -t-a~- 



HEREIBI IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-0 9-2011 BY 60 3 24UCBAU/SB/CHCT 

"You have just hoard a man who deserv 
to bo President of the United States. 
With these word3 the publio meeting 
featuring VINCENT HALLINAN drew to a 
olose last Friday in Cleveland© The 
Cleveland Plain Dealer story on this 
page is an accurate report of this 



olose last Friday in Clevelai 
Cleveland Plain Dealer story 
page is an accurate report oj 
enthusiastic meeting. 

Mr© Hallinan announced that he will 
spend the next two years touring the 
United States to build the Progressive 
Party. Our job for the next t en ; days 
is to spread the word on our "WRITE-IN 
CAMPAIGN. H 



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ELECTION RALLY — HALLOWE'EN PARTY 
ON SATURDAY NIGHT, NOVEMBER 1 

To climax the 1952 election campaign, 
Progressive Party members in the Cleve- 
land area are invited to bring their 
friends to a mammoth Hallowe'en Party- 
Election Rally. Come in costume if* 
possible, but be sure to oome. A ham 
and steak will be given to the two best 
costumes. From 9 p.m. until the wee 
hours o:f the. morning, at Carlton House, 
720 East 105 (south, of St. Clair). 
Donation: 25 cents. 



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ALL IHFOKHATIOET C OBTAINED 
HEKEICT 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-0 9-2011 BY 60 3 24UCBAU/SB/CHW 

Payne Pledges Attention 
To Problems Of Workers 

Atty. J-awrence O. Payne, candidate for Congress from 
the 21st Ohio District, this week renewed his assurance that 
if elected, he will give special attention to the problems of 
working; people, not only in his district, but throughout the 
nation. The political veteran, who is given an excellent chance 
to oust incumbent Kobert Crosser in the November 4 elec- 
tions, may become the first Negro to go to Congress from 
Ohio. 

,A liberal Republican, Payne has already declared his firm 
belief in compulsory FEPC and other legislation affecting 
the welfare of working people. _ .„ ,, T ., ^. , 

As a candidate for Representa- Specifically I wall fi~ht for the 
live in the Congress of the United enactment of a fair employment 
States from the 21st Congressional practice law that will guarantee to 
District of Ohio, I recognize that e Y er y working man and woman 
the overwhelming majority of the <? £ ^^ country the opportunity 

for an equal chance at any Job 
residents and voters in this Dis- ne or sn © can do. I wiJl give my 
trict are working people and peo- attention, also, to the enforcement 
pie who depend upon the security o3E such a law. I am opposed to 
of working people for their own the continuation of a tax program 
welfare. * that places the burden of an out- 

As a Negro candidate for elec- r * s JL ous J ax load «Pon the backs 
tion to the Congress I am keenly ot lhose least able to pay. 

dftfcnSf ^yii&nl^ 6 ° f " n i a , ny C ° n ; I wiU foster social legislation to 
ihii^ni^fmiEF 2? « weU8re , of protect the rights of the people 
SSnE ^5J? ^ and °* 0U1 ' entire under the Bill of Rights, and to 
tte^f n IL£ ™»» SCai \% m ? n °" im P r °ve the opportunities for life. 
$&tf ? at mar 7 P° 3 jJ-. lcal can " liberty and the pursuit of happi- 
didates who aspire to public office, ness, without fear of mob violence. 
,-*. x c ° UI , d , not Dft illegal imprisonment and unjust 
sincere in my desire to help win defamation of character, 
first class citizenship for the Ne- 
gro people of America if I did And finally I will work in the 
not recognize that the lot of Ne- Congress to establish a program, 
gro workers and the Negro com- for peace, for the settlement .of 
munlty has. improved vastly with differences between the powerful 
the growth and strengthening of nations of the world around the 
the organizations devoled to the conference table, and for the re- 
mteresls of workers of all colors turn of all armed forces to their 
and creeds. native lands. I will work for a 

peacetime program of economy 

that calls for full and fair peace- 

~ *. ,.- -■ +, . time employment and production 

Representative m the Oongress lo t o meet the needs of a peaceful 

initiate and sunnort such lecisla- people. 



/i> - 



Therefore, it is with deep con- 
viction that I pledge myself as 



initiate and support such legisla- 
tion that will secure the right of 
the organizations of labor to pur- 



In a democracy such as ours, 
sue their tasks of striding for the that Is besmirched by the fact 
£TSS^. <rf af W SS? [ 1 SSbS; £"* -» opportunity is afforded the 
without undue controls, restric- Negro people for representation In 



tions or harassment. £ will oppose 
such legislation as tends to hamper 
or discourage the organization of 
working people into labor unions 
of their own choice under leaders 
of their own choice. 

act* a*; /***<*• 



government from those sections oC 
our country in which they often 
form a majority, it seems only fit- 
ting that the one congressional dis- 
trict in Cleveland that embraces 
aighty-five percent of a Negro 
population of 150,000 should be 
^represented In the Congress by a 
Negro who has proven by his re- 
cord in the public life of Cleve- 
land that he is devoted to the wel- 
fare of the entire community." 





YNE 



21st DISTRICT 

0©M©RESS 



LAWRENCE 0. PAYNE 

Republican 



The Progressive Party endorses Mr* 
Lawrence 0. Payne, the only Negro can- 
didate for Congress in Ohio* His elec- 
tion would mark the first time that any 
Negro man or woman has represented Ohio 
in the United States Congress* 

Although, there are some issues on 
whioh we may disagree with Mr. Payne, 
his forthright statement on world peace 
(see article on this page) and his de- 
fense of the civil rights of all people, 
qualify him for the support of all 
voters • 

The 21st Congressional District in~ 
cludes Wards 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16*, 
17, 21 (south of St. Clair only), 22, 23, 
29, 30, Garfield Heights and Newburgh 
Heights* 

A leaflet addressed to all voters 
in the 21st District is available at 
the state office. Volunteer today to 
do your part in the election of Law- 
rence 0. Payne to Congress. 



^^I^ib^'JStatron^piREv (1300 on the dial) 



:: ; S i undflLy N b v e mb er 2 :." 



Monday November; 3 
; ' 8:45 p.m 



Ci~?7.-7zou n.ceP7?ett£« 



^C2> 



TUBS. Oct, 28, 4 p.m. to 8 p.m. and 

"WED. Oct. 29, 8:30 a.m. to 3 p.m. RUMMAGE SALE at 2774 E as t 49 (near Rawlings). Every- 
one welcome. If you have clothing or other articles to contribute call RAndolph 
1-0018 or H}5iderson 1-3327. 

WED. Oot. 29, 8- p.m* ABNER GREEN speaks on the MoCarran Act and the deportations re- 
sulting from it, 1205 Superior. Admission free. Refreshments will be served. 

THURS. Oct. 30, 8 p.m* BEN CAREATHERS speaks on the Smith Act on behalf of himself and 
other defendants in the Pittsburgh trials. Admission free. Refreshments will be 
served. 1444 E. 111th Street. 

FRI. Oct. 31, 8 p.m. ELECTION RALLY at the UKRAKIAN LABOR TEi&PLE, 1051 Auburn. Spon- 
sored by people from many nationality groups. Everyone welcome.' 

SAT. Nov. 1, 9 p.m. ELECTION RALLY-HALLOV/E'EN PARTY at Carlton House, 720 ^. 105th 

(south of St. Clair) Ham and steak will be given for two best costumes. Donation 25^. 

SAT. Nov. 8, 8:30 p#m. Rabbi Abraham Cronbach and David Alman speak on the Rosenberg 
Case et the Sterling Hotel, E. 30fch & Prospect. -Admission 75/. 

Negro Labor Council needs free or low-cost housing for delegates to their convention here 
on November 21-23. Call the office, EHhderson 1-3327 if you have housing. 



Apartments needed on East Side, 2 or 5 bedrooms. Please call office, KEnderson 1-3327 




/£>- P^ 




ALL IWFOKffATIOH COHTAIHED 

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60 3 24UCBAXJ/5B/CHW 



Dear Fellow Progressive: 

We have launched a state -wide "WRITE-IN CAMPAIGN for 
HALLINAN AND BASS. 

We will demand that our write-in votes be counted* 
If* it is ruled that a write-in vote invalidates your presi- 
dential ballot , we will count the invalidated ballots as 
votes for Peace* 

The presidential ballot is SEPARATE. You can vote 
for any candidates for Judge, Congress, State Legislature 
even if your presidential ballot is invalidated* 

For example, WE URGE ALL CLEVELAND VOTERS 
LIVING IN THE 21st CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT 
TO VOTE FOR LAWRENCE 0. PAYNE, AND THUS 
HELP ELECT THE FIRST NEGRO TO CONGRESS IN 
THE HISTORY OF OHIO. 

We urge all Ohioans to vote FOR all Negro candi- 
dates, AGAINST Senator Brioker, FOR the Constitutional 
Convention* 




^1/ 



INSTRUCTIONS TO ^C^ffer"^ 

•V To vow r«r \Y.e can^dfttc* for president a rXtft»^irM3cnt who** natnM «■• 
printed within cnr ■>£ the, .-nr'wd «et*nBu1ar »p/cif><[^w>n»»k "X" id th« eircl. 
wtthtn ivcb roetnn*«.'».' *p*ce Such "X." mark wt'I Ixw^/nl ■ • a vole (or ««eh of 
the candidate* for preKcimtiit! elector whow name* .ire «Im> printed within lh» r«e- 
tm.ng„Ui »ptc« which -!nrr n «.» ths cutle >n whicrTihe "X ' mark » placed i>o not mark 
"X " in more than one cirela or claewhcrc upon thi* billot " 



ir erroneously mark thin hal!ot, n 



I to I ha pttinet 



"WHY A WRITE-IN CAMPAIGN - 



In 32 states the Progressive Party supportrers will 
vote for Peace by marking an "X" on the ballot. In Ohio, 
we must provide a way for the thousands of* voters who know; 
that there is no "lesser evil", no choice between the war 
policies of* both parties. 

This write-in vote in Ohio can be a dramatic pro- 
test if* you will help to spread the word. We hope to print 
two hundred thousand leaflets before election day. The 
printing and distribution takes manpower and money* 



For President 
ADLAI E. STEVENSON 




^C--** 



Mfo President 



Car^yUit^tor President!*! Elector* 

f-f *■• O. CAHSON BARKLOW , J<p |J> t > * I m QVTTf I 

r.KUL A BAItTj^g**' * CM A OIKS t. M.DOXALO 

STS-. MA«V t M<GO«AH 

n.MAM A. I-ALHOUN HtNKY W, MHULND 

ANTHONY J- -LH£Xff£SZ£ m Tlg^F" r MILHONt 

m^AtfD DICKERSON t'TiiiTtfann^ 
EDIVAHH C1N.-ERICII AND REW C. l- WTJOl 

,T> R3WT 




/^W yOC Ca^ 2>o 



1. 



Distribute copies of the enclosed leaflet 
to voters in your precinct BEFORE ELECTION 
DAY. (Order a bundle of the leaflets from 
the State office.) 



2# Work outside your precinct on Election Day. 
We will tabulate the number of write-in 
votes or invalidated ballots in key precincts 
and release an estimate of the Peace vote 
for the entire state. 




'^JaM^za^p -JZoaL 



Please send 
at once J 



a contribution to the State office 



( 1 _^r-~B*7T^S£l£fe- 



.Eigjjdcat 
r— ^B**mia»»e*rEISENHOWER 




Candidate* for Presidential Elector* 

MITACC HEH B^RT IAPE. JR. 




President Truman admitted that he has no solution to the senseless slaughter in 
Korea. Eisenhower's "solution" is to let South Korean ground troops fight North Korean 
and Chinese troops, while American planes drop napalm bombs on civilians. Stevenson 
says "There is no tidy solution to this problem." 

Vincent Hallinan and Charlotta Bass have declared that we want a solution, tidy or 
untidy. The Korean War can and must be ended NOW. 

Our campaign, expressing the known peace sentiment of the great majority of 
Americans, has already forced the old parties to at least discuss the Korean war. 
Let us spend the last week of this election campaign in a dramatic, determined 
door-to-door drive to roll up a big WRITE-IN FOR PEACE. 

Fraternal 1; 

Don Rothenberg, State Director 




* 



ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCBAN/5B/CHW 



MEMO SAO 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



100-16390 
100-17289 



Brief 
Publipations 



100-16463 Political Act 
100-17267 International Relations 



furnished the writer on November 6, 1952, a fifteen 
page pamphlet entitled, "1952 Election Platform of the Communist Party". 
This pamphlet was published *by the Election Campaign Committee, Communist 
Party, 268 Seventh Ave., Hew York 1, H.Y. The pamphlet deals with the 
following subject titles: Peace; Democracy; Living Standards; Eights of 
the Negro People; Parties and Candidates, The Two-Party System; The Pro- 
gressive Party; The Communist Party; For Peace, Democracy and Socialism. 



b7D 



This pamphlet will he placed in informant's file 



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DEC 19 1952 

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ALL IUFORHATION COHTAIHED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCEAWSE/CMF 



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LECT 

















1ST PARTY 



i 



/ 



' Issued hy 

National Election Campaign Committee of the 

Communist Party 

268 Seventh Avenue, New York 1, N. Y. 



209 



L^»- 



1952 ELECTION PLATFORM 

of the COMMUNIST PARTY 



Peace or war? 

Democracy or fascism? . 

Will America continue down the road to atomic slaughter 
and a police state?. " % 

Or to peace and prosperity in a peaceful and prosperous 
world? 

The year 1952 sees a casualty list of 125,000 American boys 
dead, wounded and missing in Korea — with millions of Ko- 
rean men, women and children massacred and' their homes 
wantonly destroyed.* " * • , 

Prices are the highest in our history— while employers* 
profits' soar and workers' wages are frozen. Living standards 
are undermined by inflation and crushing tax burdens. Mil- 
lions of American families live below subsistence levels. 

Our farmers, who -grow enough amply to feed the entire 
nation, face ever-lower prices on what they sell and ever- 
higher prices on what they have to buy. 
, While our roving ambassadors preach democracy abroad, 
at home ,15,000,000 Negro Americans are contemptuously 
denied elementary civil rights — and fed politicians' promises. 

Men and women with the courage to speak their minds in 
the tradition of the Bill of Rights are jailed, hounded' and per- 
secuted. * / 

The men of the trusts run Washington. Thej^con^pLaot^ - 

only the banks, utilities, mills and inines>but tnevery govern- 
ment itself. Grafters wallow in the public trough, boodling 
mink coats and million-dollar BFC loans. 

Over the land looms the threat of depression, a police state 
and devastating world war. 

These are the chief issues of the 1952 elections. 



^s 



Our great and beautiful land, our workers of hand and 
brain and our farmers can produce abundance for all. 

Our security is threatened by no nation. No hostile air bases 
ring our borders; no foreign navies ride our waters; no enemy 
troops are within sight. 

Then why the ghastly shadow of war and depression? 

Solely because a handful of giant trusts, operating through 
a handful of banks, control the economic and political life of 
the United States. These are the Sixty Families, the economic 
royalists of America — the Morgans, Rockefellers, Mellons' 
du Ponts and Fords. 

• They profit from wars, rigged prices, stock manipulations, 
and slums. They exploit the Pennsylvania coal miner and the 
Chilean nitrate worker. They wring profits from the Ohio 
steel puddler and the Ruhr molder, the Alabama sharecropper 
and the Liberian rubber tapper. • 

They seek profits at home and super-profits abroad. They 
* seek new markets. They seek sources of raw material. They 
seek military, naval and air bases to protect their huge invest- 
ments and sources abroad. They lean on the Nazis of Western 
Germany and Franco of Spain. Profits are their goal; the dol- 
, lar is their god. 

To swell their profits, to keep their profit system going,- 
they are prepared to plunge the World into war and the nation 
into fascism. If unchecked by" the people, big business in our 
country will drag the United States to national disaster. 

The Republican Party, with its Eisenhower-Nixon ticket, is 
rightly known to the American working people as the party 
of big business and rampant reaction. The party of Stevenson 
and the racist Sparkman, the party of Truman 'who betrayed 
Roosevelt's domestic and, foreign. policies, is also dominated 
by the Wall Street trusts. Neither party can give the nation 
anything except economic crisis,, reaction and war. 

The interests of the people demand a break with this two- 
party system and the adoption of a course of independent 
political action. The most effective way to fight for peace, 
economic security, Negro rights and civil liberties in this 
crucial election is to vote for the fighting Progressive Party 

4 



team eft Vincent Hallinan and Mrs. Charlotta Bass. 

The American people — above all, the American working 
class and fts allies, the farmers, tBe Negro people, the small 
business and professional people — can yet save the peace and 
restore the Bill of Rights. It is. with patriotic faith in the 
American jteople that the Communist Party submits its plat- 
form in the 1952 elections. 

PEACE ^ 

The Communist Party believes the people of our land want 
peace and friendly relations with all peoples. We hold that 
our people want a return to the Roosevelt policy of peaceful 
collaboration with the Socialist Soviet Union, and with all 
nations. The peaceful competition of the Olympic Games can 
be duplicated in every field of buman endeavor. We hold with 
many other Americans that there is not the faintest danger 
of aggression from the Soviet Union. We hold, on the con- 
trary,, that the present bi-partisan policy of frantic rearma- 
ment,- of military' and economic intervention in other coun- 
tries, in fact constitutes aggression. The American people and 
the world. have everything to gain and nothing to lose from 
a policy of peace. To advance the best interests of the Ameri- 
can people, the Communist Party proposes: 

• An immediate cease-fire in Korea on the basis of agree- 
ments already reached. Continuation of negotiations on the 
prisoner-of-war issue. 

A peaceful solution of the Korean problem by the U.N. 
Security Council, including the representatives of the People's 
Republic of China. Withdrawal of U.S. armed forces from 
Korea and Formosa. 

• Outlaw the atom bomb and reduce armaments under 
effective international control. Ratify tfie Geneva Convention 
outlawing the use of bacteriological warfare. / 

• Outlaw agitation for, and incitement to, war. * ■ 

• Reject all peace-time military conscription plans, includ- 

5 



ing universal military training and the draft. »■* 

• Revise the Japanese treaty to provide for genuine 
sovereignty for Japan* Withdraw occupation troops and 
relinquish American military bases in Japan. 

• No rearmament of Western Germany; for a united, demo- 
cratic, neutral Germany. 

• Cancel the aggressive North Atlantic Pact. Rescind the 1 
$8 billion foreign military aid program. End the huge war 
budget. ,; 

• No loans or support to Dictator Franco. 

• Establish normal diplomatic and trade relations with the 
Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China and the New 
People's Democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. 

• A peace pact of the Big Five powers; negotiate all out- 
standing differences between the United States and the Soviet 
Union. 

• Immediate unconditional independence for Puerto Rico, 
coupled with a program of economic assistance. Revoke inter- 
American agreements which impose Wall Street's war pro- 
grams on Latin-American nations. Support the struggle to 
free their national resources and industries from Wall Street 
domination. : - 



DEMOCRACY 

The present bi-partisan policy is leading the United States 
to war and necessarily to destruction of the Bill of Rights. 
The U.S.A. is becoming a country where the "silence of fear" 
reigns; where many men in public life hesitate to speak their 
real views. The concentration camp* political prisoner, 
McCarthy-type investigation, informer and school-book censor 
are- becoming part of the American scene. 

Eisenhower's running-mate is Nixon, leading witch-hunter 
and co-author of the infamous Mundt-Nixon bill. Stevenson, 

6 



o 



while attacking McCarthyism in the G.6.P., ignores his own 
party's McCarranism and Justice Department inquisitionsr 
He supports Truman's witch-hunt and persecution of Com- 
munists, militant workers, and the foreign-born. He has kept 
silent in the face of the Administration's unprecedented drive 
to outlaw a political party, the Communist Party. 

The Smith Act prosecution of the Communist Party leaders 
is the gravest symptom of advancing fascism in the U.S. to- 
day. It follows the tragic pattern of Germany and Italy. 

The Communists are no more foreign agents than was Jef- 
ferson who was also accused of being a foreign agent by the 
Tories of his day. It is the monopolists who advocate and 
practice force and violence, not the Communists. Reaction 
has always resorted to force and violence to thwart the demo- 
cratic aspirations of the people. 

We are Marxists, not adventurers or conspirators. We con- 
demn and reject the policy and practice of terror and assas- 
sination and repudiate the advocates of force and violence. 
We Communists insist upon our right to compete freely, in 
the battle of ideas. 

- We call upon the American people to fight with all their 
strength against the danger of fascism, to resist every fascist 
measure, to -defend every democratic right. We solemnly warn 
that to deprive Communists of their constitutional rights is to 
imperil the rights of' all Americans. 

To^restore the Bill of Rights the Communist Party proposes: 

• Repeal the Smith and McCarran laws. Amnesty for all . 
political prisoners. Immediate freedom for the 11 Communist 
leaders convicted under the Smith Act and restoration of the 
civil rights of Smith Act victims. Quash all outstanding indict- 
ments under the Smith, McCarran and Taft-Hartley laws. End 
the terror against the Puerto Hican patriots. 

• Scrap the McCarran Act concentration camp program. 

• Abolish the House Committee on Un-American Activities 
and the McCarran Internal Security Sub-committee of the 
Senate Judiciary Committee. Rescind all loyalty oath orders. 

7 



Abolish the Attorney General's so-called "subversive list." End 
witch-hunts and screenings of seamen, teachers and govern- 
ment employees. 

• Repeal the racist McCarran-Walter immigration bill. 
End persecution and deportation of the foreign born. 

• Outlaw anti-Semitism, anti-Catholicism, anti-Negro 
slanders, and all other libels of religious, racial and national 
groups. End discrimination of the Puerto Rican and Mexican 
minorities. 

• Lift the death sentence on Ethel and Julius Rosenberg — 
the American Dreyfus case. 

. • Abolish all legal restrictions upon the American Indian. 
Adopt a large-scale program of economic assistance to the 
* impoverished Indian people. 

• Broaden the right to the franchise. Repeal all poll tax 
and other vote^restricting legislation. Grant 18-year olds the 
right to vote. Enact a Federal reapportionment law in accord- 
ance with the letter and spirit of the 13th, 14th and 15th 
Amendments and a presidential primary law. Liberalize all 
State election laws to permit wider independent^ political 
activity. 

• A Congressional declaration reaffirming the historic Con- 
stitutional guarantees of freedom of worship and separation 
of Church and State. Forbid the use of any tax moneys for 
the direct or indirect support of religious institutions. 

LIVING STANDARDS 

The bi-partisan war program has led to a" dislocation of the 
economy, speed-up in industry and growing depression in the 
consumers goods industry. While profits soar to new heights, 
wages are frozen and taxes crush the worker and the farmer, 
the small businessman and salaried employee. Inflation has al- 
ready depressed the living standards of many millions. 

8 



t v K 

U Although retail food prices continue to mount, prices paid 

\ to the farmers have been declining, and their production . 

\ costs have gone up. The crisis in agriculture is developing. 

Farm families are being pushed off the land, especially Ne- 
gro sharecroppers' in the South. The bi-partisan crowd has 
betrayed its promises to the farmers. 
\ The Republican and Democratic candidates represent big 

*• business interests. Eisenhower advises the workers that if 

: they want security, they cari find it in prison. Stevenson warns - 

1 x the working people that they must accept "sacrifices." Both 

„ offer a bi-partisan program of armaments and privation, of 
guns not butter. 

Both parties seek to prevent labor from improving its living 

standard. Eisenhower is against repeal of Taft-Hartley and 

proposes to "revise" it. While Stevenson is forced to speak 

v out for repeal, he wants a new anti-labor law which would 

keep what is "good" in the present slave-labor law. 

To meet" the needs of trie people, the Communist Party 
proposes: * * 

• Repeal the Taft-Hartley Law. End Strike-breaking in- 
junctions. Adopt a Federal labor code, including the best 
features of the Wagner and Norris-LaGuardia Anti-Injunction 
Acts. *.e 

• Establish genuine price controls with roll-back to January 
1950. Abolish the wage freeze. 

ft c 

• A program, of Federally-financed low rent public housing, 
providing for a^ minimum of 2,500,000 dwellings annually, 
free "of segregation. Enact adequate health insurance. 

• Increase the mirmrium^wage to $1.25 an hour. Equal pay 
for equal work. Widen" unemployment insurance coverage 
and double present payments and ,the - payment periods 

- Sharply increase^ social security benefits. » 

• Provide increased security for working farmers through 
full parity price guarantees, based on unlimited farm pro- 
duction. Such income guarantees require farm subsidies; effeo* 

9 



\ 

s 

l 



v 



tive crop and disaster insurance, sharp curbs on the giant food 
trusts and their marketing agencies. Carry out a program of 
planned conservation and river valley projects. Extend low 
cost government credit for all small farmers, including share- 
croppers. End share-cropper peonage in the South. Extend 
Federal minimum wage and social security laws to agricul- 
tural workers, including seasonal and migratory labor. 

• Revise tax policy to reduce the burden on low income 
families. Abolish all taxation on income under $5,000 a year. 
Eliminate sales and excise taxes on articles of mass consump- 
tion. Increase tax rates on high incomes and excess profits. 
Enact a graduated capital levy to finance social legislation. 

• Congressional action to preserve tidelands oil rights ^to 
the Federal Government. 

RIGHTS OF THE NEGRO PEOPLE 

The democratic pretensions of Wall Street and its parties 
are shattered by tlie reality of the jim crow system in America, 
and the national oppression of the Negro people. The most 
shameful aspect of American life is ihe jim crowism, terror 
and genocidal violence directed against $he Negro people, 
especially in the South. This racism at home goes hand in 
hand with a racist foreign policy which rains doWn napalm 
bombs upon the colored people of Korea and seeks to domi- 
nate the Latin-American, African and Asian peoples. 

In the past two years, we have witnessed the legal lynching 
of the Martinsville Seven, of Willie McGee and of many v 
others* the murder of Mr. and Mrs. Harry Moore in Florida; 
the Cicero riots, and the persecution of Negro leaders. These 
and many other monstrous acts aim to suppress the rising 
movement of the Negro people for equality and freedom. 

The Communist Party, which has pioneered- in fighting for 
full political, economic and social equality for the Negro peo- 
ple, demands an end to the policies of the Federal and state 
governments which promote the jim crow system in the 
United States. 

10 



\) 

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i 

i 
i 

rf 



ft 
it. 

1 



We call upon, all decent-minded Americans, especially the 
white workers, to carry on an unceasing struggle to outlaw 
the poll tax, lynchings, segregation, job discrimination and 
all other forms of jim crowism, official and^ unofficial, and to 
give their full support to the rising national liberation move- 
ment of the Negro' people. The Communist Party proposes: 

• A Federal compulsory FEPC. An immediate Presidential 
order pending such legislation. 

• Enact an anti-lynch r law with the death penalty for 
lynchers. Outlaw the Ku Klux Klan. 

• Prompt revision of" the present cloture rule in the. U.S. 
Senate to prevent filibuster against civil rights legislation. 

• A Presidential order to wipe but jim crow in the armed 
forces, in Washington, D. C, and in all Federal institutions. 

• Federal re-apportionment to guarantee representation of 
Negro citizens in all branches of government. 

• Complete elimination of segregation in the schools of the 
nation, South and North. Federal aid to Negro colleges. 
Eliminate discrimination in housing, public and private. 

• Executive action for the freedom of Mrs. Rosa Lee In- 
gram and all Negro victims of frameups. 

s • A Presidential instruction to the U.S. delegation to the 
United Nations to support the petition on genocide. 



I PARTIES AND CANDIDATES 

THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM 



k The two-party system is the prison in which the political 
hopes of the American people have been traditionally con- 
fined. Today both major parties are committed to the bi- 
partisan war program. Both, support the war in Korea, the 
North^Atiantic Pact, the huge arms budgets — the program 



* 



of fattening the billionaires and of starving the people. 
* Tile Republican Party carries out its support of the war 
program under the flag of "liberation." The Democratic Party 
disguises its support of the war program under the banner of 
"peace through strength/' The end result of the programs of 
both parties would be world atomic" holocaust. 

Both parties of big business support the staggering arms 
program which is at the bottom of the runaway inflation. Both 
serve the trusts in boosting prices, rigging markets, gouging 
consumers, destroying the purchasing power of the masses. 
The McCarthys and the Nixons of the Republican Party ^re 
rf matched by the McCarrans, the McGraths, and the Rankins 
of the Democratic Party. Both major parties are responsible 
for the Hitler-like hysteria expressed in the witch hunts, per- 
secution and arrests of Aniericans whose "crime" is to oppose 
Wall Street's war program. 

The Republican Party is the most open champion of the 
interests of tHe big trusts. The nomination of five-star General 
Eisenhower and the ultra-reactionary Senator Nixon sym- 
bolizes the determination of big business to speed up prepara- 
tions for world war and a fascist form of rule in our country. 

The Democratic Party, disguising its big business war pro- 
gram with liberal trappings and demagogy, makes a special 
bid for the votes of labor and the Negro people. Its supporters 
include millions of working people, -who are confused by its 
pretensions of liberalism and still view it as Roosevelt's party. 

Many workers, while skeptical of the Truman policies and 
mess of corruption, fear a Republican victory, and thus accept - 
the Stevenson-Sparkman candidacy as the so-called 'lesser 
evil." This mood is actively stimulated by the surrender 
policies of the top officers of the AFL and CIO, by the leaders 
of the ADA and the leaders of the Liberal Party in New York. 
They are die-hard opponents of genuine independent political 
action by the American working people. 

The movement towards independent political action re- 
quires a determined fight against the two-party system and 
against the lesser evil" alibi which keeps the workers^ tied to 
the parties of Wall Street. 

12 



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THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY 

The Progressive Party which was first launched in 1948 
gives a real choice between peace and war, democracy and 
fascism, security-and poverty in these national elections. On 
the immediate questions before the people of the country, 
the ^Progressive Party has presented a detailed platform 
around which all forward-looldng people can unite. The vote 
for the Progressive Party ticket of Vincent Hallinan and Mrs. 
Charlotta Bass will greatly strengthen the fight for- peace. Far 
from being a wasted vote, a vote for the Progressive ticket 
is the only effective vote for peace. A large vote for the Pro- 
gressive Party will help expand the movement of the people 
that alone can guarantee pqace. 

In addition to the support of the Progressive Party, we 
strongly urge support, even if qualified, of those candidates on 
local or Congressional level in the two major parties who sup- 
port a program that will truly advance the people's interests. 
We urge especially the unity of all groups to advance .the 
fight for Negro representation, to guarantee the election of 
Negro candidates regardless of party affiliation. 



- THE COMMUNIST PARTY 



The Communist Party is taking part in the 1952 elections 
as it has in every national election since its founding thirty- 
three years ago. In 1952 we support the Progressive Party na- 
tional ticket as we did in 1948, and as we supported Roosevelt 
in 1944. We are running candidates for office in various 
localities. We urge a big vote for the Communist candidates 
as a vote of opposition to the attacks upon the Bill of Rights. 
We Communists appeal to all working people — regardless 
of how they may now intend to vote-to speak out through 
~| their unions and community organizations on the vital issues 

, x>f the^day: for an immediate cease-fire in Korea, for a com- 
pulsory FEPC, for repeal of the Taft-Hartley, Smith and Mc- 
Carran Acts. The issue of war or peace lies in the hands of the 

13 



people. It is the people who, must guarantee that the decision 
will be peace! 

FOR PEACE, DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM 

The Communist Party is the party of Socialism. It works 
to organize, educate and eventually lead the American peo- 
ple to establish a socialist society in which the people them- 
selves will own and operate in common the mines, mills, banks 
and utilities, and abolish forever the exploitation of man by 
man. 

The Communist Party recognizes that Socialism is not 
yet an immediate issue before the American people. We hold 
that the supreme task before the American people today is 
the fight against the danger of war and fascism, for peace and 
democracy. We hold that the unity of all the democratic and 
peace-loving forces of our nation can defeat the threat of war 
and fascism. We hold that the greatest need of the present 
moment is the creation of a powerful front for .peace, capable^ 
of curbing the monopoly warmongers. - 

To obtain peace, security, equal rights for the Negro peo- 
ple, the maintenance and extension of democracy, the work- 
ing class must unite together with its allies, the working 
farmers, the Negro people, the professional and small 'busi- 
ness people and all progressive forces of the nation. 




tion based on a great national political realignment that will 
elect a government committed to the maintenance of peace 
and democracy. 

Such a people's anti-fascist and anti-monopoly peace coali- 
tion will and must grow outpf the political struggles of today 
and tomorrow — out of the inevitable disgust and break with 
the two old parties; out of the heroic work of the Progressive 
Party and its courageous standard-bearers, Vincent Hallinan 
and Mrs. Charlotta Bass; out of the struggles of the labor 
movement; out of the struggles of the Negro people for first- 
class citizenship; and, above all, out of the fight to return our 

14 



* nation to the polices of peace — a fight that can unite the over- 
whelming majority of our people cutting across all existing 
party lines. 

A democratic people's coalition can elect a people's govern- 
ment dedicated to the maintenance of peace, democracy and 
security. Such a truly democratic people's government can 
obtain a constitutional mandate to curb the power of the 
trusts which today control the economic and political life of 
•our country. Such a government can, if the strength of the 
democratic forces of our nation is effectively organized, use 
, its governmental power and people's mandate to restrain 
and^defeat any violence the capitalists and their agents de- 
velop. These conditions would open the road for the people, 
when the majority so decided,. to advance toward socialism. 
Our firm belief that only the socialist reorganization of 
society can finally insure permanent peace, security and 
prosperity to our land is no barrier to cooperation with all 
other progressive Americans in helping to create that great 
new people's coalition demanded by the struggle against the 
horrors of war and fascism. 

We do not demand special position within such a great 
democratic anti-war, anti-fascist, anti-monopoly coalition and 
'Will, of course, oppose any discrimination against us because 
of our socialist aims. We at all times will fight loyally to- 
gether with all democratic Americans against reaction and 
will- seek by democratic means to convince the majority of 
Americans that only in a' socialist society can democracy 

|{ achieve its fullest flower and the vision of the brotherhood 

t of man be realized on earth. 



■A 



15 



* 


* 
* 

s 


* 




ELECTION CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE, 

COMMUNIST PARTY 

268 Seventh Ave., New York 1, N. Y. 

Please send me more information abont the Communist 
Party. * - 

Please send irfe ....*. copies of the Election 


- 


Platform at 1c a copy (money enclosed). 

Name .♦: 


• 


Address *..*. 


* 
* 


City ; Zone State 






-16- . 








* 



follows: 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



MEMO SAO 
100-19935 HHLO 



100-14899 Ethel Goodman 



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furnished the v/riter on November 6, 1952, two items as 



1. A check on the Central National Bank of Cleveland, October 13, 
1952, issued to Hegro Labor Council in the amount of $5 and cashed by the 
Cleveland Uegro Labor Council through the Cleveland Trust Company. 

2. A receipt dated October 13, 1952, No, 417 in the amount of 
$5 issued to the Cleveland Negro Labor Council and issued by ETHEL GOODMAN 
the issuing officer. 

These two itjams will be placed in the informants administrative 
file in order that the informant's id-entity may be maintained confidential. 



ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-09-2011 BY 60324UCEAW/SB/CIW 



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■ OU muuuu ,.. 1HU C A 1 ' U J „„..J., 

DEC 19 1952 

__ FBI » CLEVELAND 



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ILL INFORMATION COMTAIHED 
HIKE IN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHOT 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 18, 1952 



i * * -&J tut mo 



MEMO SAO 

100-17087 
100-15908 



CRC 

James Wells 



100-17261 
100-16390 



Negro 
Brief 



furnished the writer on November 6, 1952, a one page 



A v&i'h . liuruisusa uxie writer on uovemoer o, xvoa , a one page 

0^ fit*® ^ mimeo sraphed announcement received by informant October 28, 1952, announc- 
*V a.Av-J 86 a party in honor oOT&JAMIH CAEEATHERS who was in Cleveland on behalf 
^WJfpf the "Pittsburgh Six"? This party will be held at the home of Mr. and 
jftySr** JAMES WELLS, 3324 Cedar Avenue, on November 2, 1952. The party being 
r sponsored by the Ohio Bill of Rights Conference. 



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This leaflet will be placed in informant's- file 



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SA 



PMBrEGK 




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* 



ILL IHFOKttATION COHTAIHED 

HERE II 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



MEMO SAO 

100-30243 
100-18440 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



National Committee to Secure Justice in Rosenberg Case 
A.S.P. 



furnished the writer on November 6, 1952, the following 



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items of literature pertaining to the ROSENBERG case; these items were 
received by the informant on October 33, 1952: 

1. A four page printed leaflet captioned "The facts in the Rosen- 
berg Case", issued by the National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosen- 
berg Case, New York* 

2. An eight page printed leaflet captioned "The Rosenberg Pact 
Case" , published by the National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosen- 
berg Case and bearing the stamp of the Chicago Committee to Secure Justice 
in the Rosenberg Case. 

3. A one page printed anivouncement issued by the Cleveland Council 
of Arts Sciences and Professions an^(fhe Ohio Committee for Julius and Ethel 
Rosenberg. - This announcement asked' that the recepients write to President 
Truman asking for executive clemency on behalf of ETHEL and JULIUS ROSENBERG, 
and that they send funds to the National Committee to Secure Justice in the 
Rosenberg Case; for legal defense and for care of the ROSENBERG children. 
Also announced was a public meeting to hear the facts on the ROSENBERGS 
on Saturday, November 8, 1952, at the Sterling Hotel, 3002 Prospect Avenue, 



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& A blue mimeographed card addressed ttJJfHrs. LILLIAN MOED, 
Secretary*^hio Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case, 10106 
Pierpont J&re. , Cleveland 8, Ohio, enabling the recepient to request a cer- 
tain number of tickets to the November 8, 1952, ROSENBERG meeting; also 
to enclose a contribution for the assistance of the ROSENBERGS, 



ThSse items will be placed in the informant's file 



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the FACTS 
in the 



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ALL INFORMATIOH COHTAIHED 

HEBE 111 IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02™10™2011 BY 60324UCEA¥/5B/CHIiJ 




ROSENBERG CAS 




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On April 5, 1951, Julius Rosenberg and his wife Ethel were sentenced to die in 
the electriq chair, and Morton S obeli was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment, having 
been convicted on a charge of conspiracy to spy on behalf of the Soviet Union. 

The Rosenbergs and Sobell have unswervingly maintained their innocence from 
the day of their arrest. 

On February 25, 1952, the U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the verdict 
and the sentences in a shocking decision that held, among other things, that persons 
could be considered disposed to commit espionage by virtue of their political or 
social views. 

Thousands of people, among them many eminent public figures, do not believe the 
Rosenbergs and Sobell guilty or that their trial was a fair one. Thousands more, who 
have grave doubts of their guilt, are horrified at the death sentence. 

THE ROSENBERGS 

Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, until their arrest, led the life of every-day people, 
struggling for a livelihood and education, and hoping that their two young sons, aged 
nine and four, would be spared the hardships familiar to the parents. 

Since their marriage they lived solely on Julius' $70-a-week income as a govern- 
ment engineer, except for the past few years when they managed a meager living from 
the profits of a small machine shop business. Julius was an active member of his trade 
union. Ethel did volunteer work in community and civilian defense organizations. 



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me prosecution's cjbe 

Before the trial the prosecutor announced that he would call 118 witnesses, 
among them top scientists Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer, Dr. Harold C. Urey; Gen. 
Leslie R. Groves, head of the atom bomb project during the war; agents of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation; alleged associates of the Rosenbergs and Sobell in the 
"conspiracy"; and two "star" witnesses. 

Of these 118, the prosecutor called only 20, among them none of the above named 
scientists or FBI agents. One witness, Max Elitcher, admitted that he faced a five year 
prison sentence for perjury, that he had been threatened by FBI agents with prosecu- 
tion fof espionage, and that he "hoped for the best" as a result of his uncorroborated 
testimony. He is free today, never having been tried. The two chief witnesses, David 
and Ruth Greenglass, were both, according to the prosecutor, and their own state- 
ments, involved in the alleged conspiracy, but as a result of their testimony, Ruth 
was never brought to trial, and her husband got off with a 15-year sentence. 

The government's entire case is based on the Greenglasses' uncorroborated testi- 
mony, a fact conceded by the Court of Appeals, which in upholding the convictions 
declared that without the testimony of the Greenglasses, "the conviction could not 
stand." The prosecutor produced 32 exhibits as "documentary evidence." Not one of 
these documents, by the prosecutor's own admission, connected the Rosenbergs with 
a conspiracy to commit espionage. 

THE STAR WITNESSES 

David Greenglass, brother of Ethel Rosenberg, and his wife Ruth, were the star 
witnesses against the Rosenbergs, Both admitted that they had committed espionage 
for which they received money and for which both could be given the death penalty . 

The Greenglasses' uncorroborated testimony was the only evidence presented that 
the Rosenbergs had conspired to steal the atom-bomb secret. Their testimony in respect 
to the Rosenbergs was solely oral, and.no documents or other proofs linking the 
Rosenbergs to espionage were introduced. No witnesses were called to substantiate any 
conversations on espionage that allegedly took place between the Greenglasses and the 
Rosenbergs. David Greenglass testified that, relying solely on his memory of snatches 
of overheard conversation at the atom-bomb project at Los Alamos, and his remem- 
brance of details of blueprints which had been shown to him as part of his work as a 
machinist, he had drawn up an elaborate sketch of the atom bomb, together with twelve 
pages of written material, which he allegedly conveyed as a description of the bomb 
to Rosenberg. 

The following are Greenglass' actual qualifications for this impressive feat: 

1) experience as an ordinary machinist in both army and civilian life; 

2) a high school education, plus 8 technical courses at Brooklyn Polytechnic 
Institute, in all 8 of which he admitted he was graded "failure"; 

3) an admission that he was ignorant of the formulae governing component parts 
of the atom bomb, and that he had never taken courses or read books on such essential 
subjects as elementary, differential or advanced calculus, thermodynamics, quantum 
mechanics, nuclear or atomic physics. 

Not a single atomic scientist was called to support David Greenglass' testimony 
concerning the atom bomb or to confirm the authenticity of the "sketch" of the atom 
bomb he made for the trial. 



--2- 



Responsible periodicals and sc3H^ editors commented as follows on Greeng^^^ 
testimony : 

TIME MAGAZINE: "Some of his testimony made little scientific sense/' 

LIFE MAGAZINE'S Science Editor: "Greenglass' implosion bomb appears illogi- 
cal, if not downright unworkable." 

SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN: "History's most elaborately guarded secret — how to 
make an atomic bomb — was casually let out of the bag in a courtroom last month. 
Or was it?" 

POLITICS INSTEAD OF EVIDENCE 

The prosecutor set out to show that the Rosenbergs were Communists and that 
Communists are spies. This had nothing to do with either the indictment or proof that 
the Rosenbergs had conspired to commit espionage. But he did not establish that the 
Rosenbergs were Communists. Instead, he showed: 

1) the Rosenbergs had a Spanish Refugee appeal can in their home; 

2) Ethel Rosenberg was one of 50,000 New York citizens who had signed a 
nominating petition in 1941 for Peter V. Cacchione, successful Communist Party 
candidate for New York City Councilman; 

3) the Rosenbergs carried sick and death benefit insurance with the International 
Workers Order, a multi-national, inter-racial fraternal insurance society with 160,000 
members in 18 states; 

4) the Rosenbergs were both active members of their trade unions; Ethel in Local 
65 of the Wholesale, Retail and Warehouse Workers Union; Julius in the Federation 
of Architects, Engineers and Technicians; 

5) the Rosenbergs occasionally read the Daily Worker; 

6) the Rosenbergs believed that the Soviet ynion had borne the brunt of the war 
against Nazi Germany, and that it had done its share in wiping out the murderers of 
6 million Jews; 

7) the Rosenbergs had been pleased and lauded the United States and Great 
Britain for opening up a second front; 

8) Julius Rosenberg had once been accused of being a Communist, for which he 
had been fired from the Signal Corps, although he had sworn that he was not a 
Communist. 

JEWISH ASPECTS 

The Rosenberg and S obeli trial, in a city whose population is one-third Jewish, 
proceeded without a single Jewish juror. 

Here are comments from the Jewish press: 

THE DAY: "The death sentence imposed by Judge Kaufman left the feeling that 
precisely because he is a Jew did he go to an extreme and deal judgment with a heavy 
hand . . . that Judge Kaufman is a Jew has perhaps unconsciously motivated him to 
issue a sentence which, in the opinion of many, is considered to be unjust and brutal." 

DAILY FORWARD : "Too horrible . . . every Jew feels the same way." 

CHICAGO SENTINEL, an Anglo-Jewish paper, in a column on Feb. 7, 1952 by 
Rabbi G. George Fox, one of the most widely known Rabbis in the Mid-West, an 
eminent scholar and author: "I am certain that Judge Kaufman's decision will be 
found unjust, if not illegal." 

-3- 



4 



SHE DEATH SENTEItfCJEJ^ 



In imposing the death sentence against Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, Judge Irving 
Kaufman said that they had "altered the course of history to the disadvantage of our 
country . . . we have evidence of your treachery around us every day . . . I believe 
your conduct has already caused, in my opinion, the Communist aggression in Korea, 
with resultant casualties exceeding 50,000 and who knows but that millions more of 
innocent people may pay the price of your treason." 

From the Judge's comments, it appears that he sentenced the Rosenbergs *to death 
for crimes with which they were not at all charged* They were neither accused of 
treason nor was any evidence brought in linking them in any way to the instigation 
of any wars, past, present, or future. 

It is unthinkable that the same verdict and the same sentence would have been 
given had these accusations formed the basis of a "case" during the war years (when 
the USSR was our ally), when the alleged conspiracy was supposed to have taken 
place, or even in the first years following the end of the war. 

Further, we can compare the sentences given to confessed or convicted traitors and 
saboteurs such as Axis Sally and Tokyo Rose, who got ten years each, and the famous 
Molzahn case in which four men who gave vital secrets to Germany in the Fall of 1941 
were let off with 5 to 15 year sentences. 

Finally, this is the first time in the history of our country that a civil court has 
imposed the death sentence for a charge of espionage. No person committing treason, 
the gravest of all crimes, has ever been executed. 

CONCLUSIONS 

1) The Rosenbergs and Sobell were convicted on unsubstantial and incredible 
evidence. " , 

2) The prosecution prejudiced and inflamed the jury by bringing in extraneous 
issues in every phase of the trial. 

3) The suspicion of anti-Semitism taints the entire trial. 

FOR JUSTICE 

WRITE to President Truman and ask that the government consent to a reversal of 
the Rosenberg-Sobell conviction, thus permitting a new trial or discontinuance of 
their prosecution. 

SPONSORS {partial lisp) i 

Nelson Algren Mrs. Bessie Mitchell 

Dr. Edward K. Barsky Marjorie DiSilva Shirley Graham Capt. Hugh N. Mulzac 

Prof. E. Berry Burgum Dr. Katherine Dodd Rev. Spencer Kennard William A. Reuben 

Rev. I. C. Collins Dr. W. E. B. DuBois Hon. Robert Morss Lovett Leon Straus *"*^w 

Rabbi Abraham Cronbach Waldo Prank Dr. John Marsalka Dr. Leonard Tushnet 

Prof. Ephraim Cross B. 2. Goldberg John T. McManus Dr. Gene Weltfish 

JOSEPH BRA1NIN, Chairman DAVID ALMAN, Executive Secretary 

NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO SECURE IUSTICE iW THE ROSENBERG CASE 
1050 Avenue of the Americas, New York 18, N. Y. BRyant 9-9694 

I want to receive your material. I enclose $ to help. Please send me 

copies of the pamphlet on the Rosenberg case, and copies of the 

fact sheet. 

NAME 

ADDRESS _.._ 



CITY ZONE STATE. 



1 

I -4-_ 



ALL INFORMATION COICTAIHED 

HEBEIH 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMW 



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a fact sheet 




Published by 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO 
SECURE JUSTICE IN THE 
ROSENBERG CASE 

1050 Sixth Ave., New York 18, N. Y. 




CHICAGO COMMITTEE TO SECURE 

JUSTICE IN THE ROSENBERG CASE 

179 W. WASHINGTON ST. ROOM 100* 

CHICAGO 2, ILLINOIS 




>- :;> 




Qn ApnL5, 195*1, Julius Rosenberg and his wife Ethel were sentenced to die 
in the electric chair, having been convicted on a charge of conspiracy to spy 
^ on' 1 behalf of the Soviet Union* 

The Rosenbergs have unswervingly maintained their innocence from the day 
of their arrest. When Ethel Rosenberg was taken to the Sing Sing death 
house, she declared: 

"We said and we say again that we are victims of the grossest type of political 
frame-up ever known in America.*' 

On February 25, 1952, the XL S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the verdict 
and the sentences in a shocking decision that held, among other things, that 
persons could be considered disposed to commit espionage by virtue of their 
political or social views. The defendants' attorneys wilf appeal the case to 
the Supreme Court. 

Thousands of people, among them many eminent public figures, do not believe 
the Rosenbergs guilty or that their trial was a fair one. Thousands more, who 
have grave doubts of their guilt, are horrified at the death sentence. 
A number of these citizens have formed the National Committee to Secure 
Justice in the Rosenberg Case, and many times their number have contributed 
money and time to make new appeals possible and to bring the case, with its 
far-flung implications, to the public. 

THE ROSENBERGS 

Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, until their arrest, led the life of every-day people, 
struggling for a livelihood and education, and hoping that their two young 
sons, aged nine and four, would be spared the hardships familiar to the 
parents. 

Julius Rosenberg, 34, was born and raised on the lower East Side of New 
York City. He attended public school and Seward Park High School as well 
as the Downtown Talmud Torah and Hebrew High School. He graduated 
from the City College of New York in 1939 with a Bachelor's Degree in 
Engineering. 

Ethel Rosenberg, 36, graduated from Seward Park High School, and took 
courses in bookkeeping, stenography, typing, Hebrew, piano, guitar, and 
voice, and a course in child psychology at the New School for Social Research. 
They lived in an apartment on the lower East Side for which they paid ap- 
proximately $45 a month. Since their marriage they lived solely on Julius' $70 
a-week income as a government engineer, except for the past few years when 
they managed a meager living from the profits of a small machine shop 
business. Julius was an active member of his trade union. Ethel did volunteer 
work in community and civilian defense organizations. 



THE INDICTMENT 



The indictment charged the Rosenbergs with initiating a conspiracy during 
1944, the last year of the war against nazism, to transmit information "relating 
to the national defense of "the United States" to the Soviet Union. 
The prosecutor however, went far beyond the indictment, charged that the 



-2- 




Rosenbergs had given the Soviet Union the "secret" of the atom bomb, ana 
attempted to create the impression that the Rosenbergs were "Communists," 
holding allegedly "subversive" views, and therefore disposed to commit 
espionage. He further attempted to impress the jury that a verdict of "inno- 
cent" would be tantamount to repudiation of our government's foreign policy. 



THE'PROSEGUTION'S: CASE-; 



Before the trial the prosecutor announced that he would call 118 witnesses, 
among them top scientists Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer, Dr. Harold C. Urey; 
Gen. Leslie R. Groves, head of the atom bomb project during the war; agents 
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation; alleged associates of the Rosenbergs 
in the "conspiracy"; and two "star" witnesses. All witnesses were supposed 
to give evidence of Rosenberg's alleged spy activities. 

Of these 118, the prosecutor called only 20, among them none of the above 
named scientists or FBI agents. Of the 20, 8 merely gave details of a trip 
which Sobell took to Mexico, a trip which the prosecutor did not allege to be 
for espionage purposes: 1 testified to security measures taken at the Los 
Alamos project; 1 explained a lens mold drawn for the trial by Greenglass; 
1 was an engineer who interpreted a sketch and a report concerning the atom 
bomb submitted by Greenglass; 1 was the Rosenberg family doctor who 
testified that Rosenberg had asked him questions pertaining to inoculations 
necessary for a trip to Mexico ; 1 was a relative of Ruth Greenglass, who tes- 
tified that David had given him $4000 to hold for him; 1 was the sister of Ruth 
Greenglass who testified that she was once asked to leave the room by Julius 
Rosenberg on a visit to the Greenglass home ; 1 was a witness who identified 
a photograph of Anatoli Yakovlev, a former Soviet consular aide named a co- 
defendant in the trial, and who had returned to his country in December 1946; 
1 was Elizabeth Bentley, who in effect contended that all communists were 
spies, but had never met any of the defendants; 1 was Harry Gold, who, 
admitting that he had never known or seen or been involved in any way with 
the Rosenbergs or Sobell, luridly described his own espionage activities. Of 
the remaining 3 witnesses, 1 said that Rosenberg had on two occasions made 
espionage overtures to him, but he had declined each time. This witness, Max 
Elitcher, admitted that he faced a five year prison sentence for perjury, that 
he had been threatened by FBI agents with prosecution for espionage, and 
that he "hoped for the best" as a result of his uncorroborated testimony. He is 
free today, never having been tried. The remaining two witnesses, David and 
Ruth Greenglass, were both, according to the prosecutor, and their own 
statements, involved in the alleged conspiracy, but as a result of their tes- 
timony, of which more later, Ruth was never brought to trial, and her husband 
got off with a 15 year sentence. 

The government's entire case is based on the Greenglass's uncorroborated 
testimony, a fact conceded by the Court of Appeals, which in upholding the 
convictions declared that without the testimony of the Greenglasses, "the 
conviction could not stand." The prosecutor produced 32 exhibits as "docu- 
mentary evidence." Not one of these documents, by the prosecutor's own 
admission, connected the Rosenbergs with a conspiracy to commit espionage. 
In fact, only two of the documents had any link whatever to the Rosenbergs. 



-3- 




One was a collection can issued by the Spanish Refugee Appeal, the other 
was a nominating petition, signed by Ethel, for Peter V, Cacchione, a suc- 
cessful Communist candidate for the City Council of New York. 
The prosecutor filled the overwhelming bulk of his case with persistent in- 
sinuations that the Rosenbergs were Communists, that U. S. monopoly of the 
atom bomb was important to world peace, and that war with the Soviet Union 
was virtually inevitable. 



THE STAR "WITNESSES 



David Greenglass, brother of Ethel Rosenberg, and his wife Ruth, were the 
star witnesses against the Rosenbergs. Both admitted that they had committed 
espionage for which they received money and for which both could be given 
the death penalty. 

David Greenglass was arrested in June and indicted in July 1950. He was 
held in $100,000 bail, placed in solitary confinement, and visited for hours 
at a time by the FBI. 

He and Ruth hired O. John Rogge, who himself later became a star govern- 
ment witness against the eminent Negro scholar Dr. W. E. B. DuBois in a 
case charging Dr. DuBois with being a foreign agent (the judge threw the 
case out of court) . After extended negotiations by the Greenglasses, Rogge 
Prosecutor Irving Saypol and agents of the Department of Justice, The FBI 
arrested Julius Rosenberg and later his wife Ethel solely on the basis of 
information" given by the Greenglasses. 
The Greenglass* uncorroborated testimony was the only evidence presented 
that the Rosenbergs had conspired to steal the atom-bomb secret. Their tes- 
timony in respect to the Rosenbergs was solely oral, and no documents or 
other proofs linking the Rosenbergs to espionage were introduced. No wit- 
nesses were called to substantiate any conversations on espionage that alleg- , 
edly took place between the Greenglasses and the Rosenbergs. David Green- 
glass testified that relying solely on his memory of snatches of overheard 
conversation at the atom-bomb project at Los Alamos, and his remembrance 
of details of blueprints which had been shown to him as part of his work as a 
machinist, he had drawn up an elaborate sketch of the atom bomb, together 
with twelve pages of written material, which he allegedly conveyed as a 
description of the bomb to Rosenberg. 
The following are Greenglass* actual qualifications for this impressive feat: 

1) experience as an ordinary machinist in both army and civilian life; 

2) a high school education, plus 8 technical courses at Brooklyn Poly- 
technic Institute, in all 8 of which he admitted he was graded "failure"; 

3) an admission that he was ignorant of the formulae governing com- 
ponent parts of the atom bomb, and that he had never taken courses or read 
books on such essential subjects as elementary, differential or advanced 
calculus, thermodynamics, quantum mechanics, nuclear or atomic physics. 
Not a single atomic scientist was called to support David Greenglass* testi- 
mony concerning the atom bomb or to confirm the authenticity of the "sketch" 
of the atom bomb he made for the trial. Instead, John Derry, assigned as a 
"""W. Lieutenant, an aide to General Groves, whose job in the Army was 



-4- 



^^5j 



mainly related to personnel, was called upon to testify that the manufactured 
sketch reflected to a "substantial degree" the principles of the atom bomb, 
Derry's sole "qualification" was a Bachelor of Engineering degree. 
Had Dr. Harold C. Urey been called by the prosecutor, as the latter had 
announced he would do, Dr* Urey could have demolished Greenglass' testi- 
mony by repeating what he had said on March 3, 1946, during Congressional 
hearings on whether the atom bomb should be controlled by civilians or the 
Army. The N. Y. Times reports him as saying: "Detailed data on the atomic 
bomby he declared, would require € 80 to 90 volumes of close print which only 
a scientist or engineer would be able to read . . . . Any spies capable of pick- 
ing up this information/ Dr. Urey added, 'will get information more rapidly 
by staying at home and working in their own laboratories* " 
Responsible periodicals and science editors commented as follows on Green- 
glass' testimony: 

TIME MAGAZINE: "Some of his testimony made little scientific sense." 
LIFE MAGAZINE'S Science Editor: "Greenglass* implosion bomb appears 
illogical, if not downright unworkable." 

SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN: "History's most elaborately guarded secret- 
how to make an atomic bomb— was casually let out of the bag in a courtroom 
last month. Or was it?" 



■POLltJCSJNSTEAD OPEVJDENCE. 



The prosecutor set out to show that the defendants were Communists and 
that Communists are spies. This had nothing to do with either the indictment 
or proof that the Rosenbergs had conspired to commit espionage. The prose- 
cutor said that the Rosenbergs had allegedly committed this crime because 
their loyalty was to "communism in this country and communism throughout 
the world." But he did not establish that the Rosenbergs were Communists. 
Instead, he showed: 

1) the Rosenbergs had a Spanish Refugee appeal can in their home; 

2) Ethel Rosenberg was one of 50,000 New York citizens who had signed 
a nominating petition in 1941 for Peter V. Cacchione, successful Communist 
Party candidate for New York City Councilman; 

3) the Rosenbergs carried sick and death- benefit insurance with the Inter- 
national Workers Order, a multi-national, inter-racial fraternal insurance 
society with 160,000 members in 18 states; 

4) the Rosenbergs were both active members of their trade unions; Ethel 
in Local 65 of the Wholesale, Retail and Warehouse Workers Union; Julius 
in the Federation of Architects, Engineers and Technicians; 

5) the Rosenbergs occasionally read the Daily Worker; 

6) the Rosenbergs believed that the Soviet Union had borne the brunt of 
the war against Nazi Germany, and that it had done its share in wiping out 
the murderers of 6 million Jews; 

7) the Rosenbergs had been pleased and lauded the United States and 
Great Britain for opening up a second front; 

8) Julius Rosenberg had once been accused of being a Communist, for 
which he had been fired from the Signal Corps, although he had sworn that 
he was not a Communist* 



-5- 




m 



AN ARGUMENT FOR FOREIGN POLICY INSTEAD Of. EVIDENCE 



The prosecutor argued that the atom bomb was "the one weapon that might 
well hold the key to the survival of this nation." He argued that the United 
States had made every effort to keep the principles of the atom bomb a secret, 
and insinuated that since the Soviet Union was by then known to have the 
bomb, the Rosenbergs must be guilty of having conspired to transmit its 
secret to that country. 

Leaving aside the absurdity of this kind of "proof" against the Rosenbergs, 
all recognized authorities deny the possibility of atom-bomb monopoly and 
atom-bomb "secrets." This is what these authorities say: 

A*TOMICS, a monthly scientific magazine, September 1949: "Since the 
discovery of uranium fission in 1938 there has been no basic secret regarding 
an atomic bomb." 

SMYTH REPORT, official report of the U. S. government on atomic energy 
development, published in 1945: ". . . the principles that have been used 
were well known to the international scientific world in 1940." 

INTERNATIONAL NEWS SERVICE, December, 1950, in a story date- 
lined Washington, D. C: "The Atomic Energy Commission Friday bared 
secret documentary proof that Russia has known the scientific secrets of 
atom bomb manufacture since 1940, the year the United States began attempts 
to develop the missile." 

DR. J. ROBERT OPPENHEIMER, in a speech in January, 1951, said, 
according to the N. Y. Times: ". . . that there were no 'unpublished* secrets 
concerning atomic weapons, and no 'secret laws of nature' available only 
to a few." 

NEW YORK TIMES, Feb. 24, 1952: "The British development of an atom 
bomb confirmed what had been apparent when the Russians exploded their 
bomb in 1949— that the secret of the atom bomb was not a secret, that any 
nation with the resources could construct one, but only big and wealthy 
nations could afford this kind of armament." 



THE DEATH-SENTENCE 



In imposing the death sentence against Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, Judge 
Irving Kaufman said that they had "altered the course of history to the dis- 
advantage of our country . . * we have evidence of your treachery around us 
every day ... I believe your conduct has already caused, in my opinion, the 
Communist aggression in Korea, with resultant casualties exceeding 50,000 
and who knows but that millions more of innocent people may pay the price 
of your treason.** 

From the Judge's comments, it appears that he sentenced the Rosenbergs to 
death for crimes with which they were not at all charged. They were neither 
accused of treason nor was any evidence brought in linking them in any way 
to the instigation of any wars, past, present, or future. But the Judge's com- 
ments, and the death sentence, like the jury's verdict, is in line with the 



-6- 



• 



<j 



prosecution's inability to bring in convincing proof that the Rosenbergs con- 
spired to commit espionage, substituting, instead, inflammatory and reckless 
charges that had nothing to do with the case. 

It is unthinkable that the same verdict and the same sentence would have 
been given had these wild accusations formed the basis of a "case" during 
the war years (when the USSR was our ally) , when the alleged conspiracy 
was supposed to have taken place, or even in the first years following the 
end of the war* 

Further, we can compare the sentences given to confessed or convicted traitors 
and saboteurs such J as Axis Sally and Tokyo Rose, who got ten years each, 
and the famous Molzahn case in which four men who gave vital secrets to 
Germany in the Fall of 1941 were let off with 5 to 15 year sentences. 
Finally, this is the first time in the history of our country that a civil court 
has imposed the death sentence for a charge of espionage. No person com- 
mitting treason, the gravest of all crimes, has ever been executed. 



THE TAINirOEf ANTI-SEM 'T'SM 



Shortly after the trial was over the prosecutor, although Jewish, was severely 
reprimanded by a United States Court of Appeals for practicing anti-Semi- 
tism in another case. This grave charge is bolstered by the fact that the 
Rosenberg trial, in a city whose population is one-third Jewish, proceeded 
without a single Jewish juror due to challenges by the prosecution. 
Here are comments from the Jewish press: 

THE DAY: "The death sentence imposed by Judge Kaufman left the feel- 
ing that precisely because he is a Jew did he go to an extreme and deal 
judgment with a heavy hand . . . that Judge Kaufman is a Jew has perhaps 
unconsciously motivated him to issue a sentence which, in the opinion of 
many, is considered to be unjust and brutal." 

DAILY FORWARD: "Too horrible . . . every Jew feels the same way." 
CHICAGO SENTINEL, an Anglo-Jewish paper, in a column on Feb. 7, 
1952 by Rabbi G* George Fox, one of the most widely known Rabbis in the 
mid-west, an eminent scholar and author: "I am certain that Judge Kaufman's 
decision will be found unjust, if not illegal." 



CONCLUSIONS* 



1) The Rosenbergs were convicted on unsubstantial and incredible evidence. 

2) The prosecution prejudiced and inflamed the jury by bringing in ex- 
traneous issues in every phase of the trial* 

3) The suspicion of anti-Semitism taints the entire trial. 

When it is borne in mind that Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were ordinary folk 
like the vast majority of us, that they were not leaders of any political or 
social or economic movements, it becomes clear that a new danger faces this 
vast majority, the danger that past or present or future views on social issues 
may become the basis for wild accusations, imprisonment, and even death. 
That is why it is in the interest of all Americans, regardless of their beliefs 
and creeds, to make certain that justice is done in the Rosenberg Case. 



-7- 



# 



FOR JUSTICE 



WRITE to President Truman and Attorney General J, Howard McGrath. 
Tell them what you think. Ask that the government consent to a reversal of 
the Rosenberg conviction, thus permitting a new trial or discontinuance of 
their prosecution* 

URGE your Senators and Congressmen to make the foregoing request to 
the White House and the Department of Justice* 

WRITE the National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 
for more information* We will send you our new 32-page pamphlet "to secure 
justice in the rosenberc case," by William A* Reuben, which tells the 
whole story. Ask for as many as you can possibly circulate* Send us a financial 
contribution—big or little* We need help* Use the form below. 



SPONSORS (Partial List) 



Nelson Algren 

Emily Alman 

Dr. Herbert Apthcker 

Ivan Von Auw 

Dr. Edward K. Barsky 

Prof. E. Berry Burgum 

Alice Hill Byrne 

John F. Clewe 

Rev. I. C. Collins 

Rabbi Abraham Cronbach 

Prof. Ephraim Cross 

Marjorie DiSilva 

Dr. Katherine Dodd 

Dr. W. E. B. DuBois 



Gertrude Evans 
Waldo Frank 
Joseph Friedman 
B. Z. Goldberg 
Shirley Graham 
Nahum Greenberg 
Rabbi Louis D. Gross 
Louise Harding Horr 
James Imbrie 
Rev. Spencer Kennard 
Hon. Robert Moras Lovett 



Dr. John Maraalka 
John T* McManus 
Mrs. Bessie Mitchell 
Capt. Hugh N. Mulzac 
William A. Reuben 
Dr. John L. Simon 
Leon Straus 
Lois Timmins 
Elizabeth Todd 
Dr. Leonard Tushnet 
Dr. Gene Weltfish 



Dr. Bernard Lubka 

Joseph Brainin, Prov. Chairman 
David Alman, Exec. Sec'y- 



NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO SECURE JUSTICE IN THE ROSENBERG CASE 
1050 Sixth Avenue, New York 18, N. F. BRyant 9-9694 

I want to receive your material. I enclose $ to help. Please send 

me copies of the pamphlet on the Rosenberg case, and 

copies of the fact sheet. 



NAME. 



ADDRESS- 



CITY- 



JEONE- 



-STATE- 



Pamphlets 5* single copies, $4.00 per 100, $15 per 500 

Fact Sheet 3# single copies, $2.50 per 100, $8 per 500 

>264 



-8- 



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Ohio Couittee to Secure ifb.ce in the Rosenberg Cub 
3J0106 Pierpont Ave, ^ 

Cleveland 8, Ohio , 

. Please send ae ^tickets to the Hoy, 8th Meeting on the, 

Rosenberg case for which I enclose 




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1 herety enclose an additional contribution of f__. ^ 
n to be applied toward legal fees in the case, 
n to help support the Rosenberg-Sobell children 
j-j to be used to publicize the case, 




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DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAU/SB/CHN 



MEMO SAO 

100-19935 
100-252 



NNLC 

Richard Clark - 

100-14899 



100-15911 
100-17261 

Ethel Goodman 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



Sallie Clark 
Negro 



items of ! 



iterature: 



furnished the writer on November 6, 1952, the following 



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t 1. Half -page mimeographed announcement received by informant 
October Ifr, 1952, and issued by the Cleveland Negro Labor Council, 5311 
Woodland Ave., announcing a pre-convention party to be held Saturday, Octo- 
ber 18, 1952 at the home of Mr. and Mrs. EICHAHD CLAEK, 9310 Tale Ave. 

2. A one page mimeographed letter received by informant October 
16, 1952, issued by ETHEL L. GOODMAN, Executive Secretary, Cleveland Negro 
Labor Council, to all CNLC Executive Board Members announcing the regular 
Executive Board meeting of the Cleveland Negro Labor Council to be held 
October 20, 1952. 

3. Another letter issued by ETHEL L. GOODMAN from the Cleveland 
Negro Labor Council received by informant October 22, 1952, announcing the 
regular membership meeting of the Cleveland Negro Labor Council on Octo- 
ber 26, 1952. 

4. Another letter issued by ETHEL 1. GOODMAN announcing an execu- 
tive board meeting of the Cleveland Negro Labor Council on November 3, 1952. 

5. A half page mimeographed announcement received by informant 
October 29, 1952, of a pre- convention party sponsored by the Cleveland Negro 
Labor Council to be given at 2551 East 61 Street, Cleveland, November 1, 1952, 



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CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
5311 Woodland Avenue 
81eveland, Ohio 



Express 1-5529 
October 16, 1952 



TO: ALL CNLC EXECUTIVE BOARD MEMBERS 

Dear Member: 

The regular Executive Board meeting of' the Cleveland Negro . 
Labor Council will be held on Monday, October 20, 1952 at 8 o* clock P # M* 

In view of the fact that the Convention is only about a month 
away, "it is imperative that the full board be in attendance at this meeting. 

The agenda will be as follows: 

jjl) CONVENTION ARRANGEMENTS 

(2) FURTHER PLANS ON THE JOBS CAMPAIGN 

All board members who are chairmen of Convention Committees 
should be prepared to make progress reports on their committee work* ' 

Please be prompt in order that the meeting will not last too 
late© 



Fraternally yours, >n 

Ethel L< Goodman 

Executive Secrwbary 



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CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
5311 Woodland Avenue 
Cleveland, Ohio 



Express 1-5529 



October 21, 1952 



TO: ALL CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL MEMBERS 

Dear Member: 

The regular membership meeting of the Cleveland Negro Labor 
Council will be held Sunday, October 26th from 3:00 to 5:00 P # M* at the 
Council Office* 

Business to be taken up at this meeting is as follows: 

CONVENTION ARRANGEMENTS 

JOBS CAMPAIGN 

All members are asked to make every effort to attend this ve^jr 
important meeting. 



Fraternally yours, 




Ethel L« Goodman 
Executive Secretary 



ELG:cmr 
dpowa#87 

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ALL INFORMATION COHTAIHED A ' 



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CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

5311 Woodland Avenge 

Cleveland, Ohio 



EXpress 1-5529 



TO EXECUTIVE BOARD MEMBERS 



Dear Member: 

The regular Executive Board meeting of the Cleveland 
Negro Labor Council will be held Monday, November 3, 1952; 8:00. 
P.M. at the Council Office, 

There will be a report on the National Residents Commi- 
ttee meeting held on Saturday, November 1st in Detroit , 

All Board members who are serving as Chairmen of Con- 
vention Arrangements should b$ prepared to make reports on their 
committee work* 

There will also be discussion and further plans on 
the Jobs Campaign ♦ 

It is very important that eyery member attend this very 
Board Meeting, 



Fraternally yours, 



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Ethel I, Goodman 
Executive Sec'y« 

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MEMO SAC 

100-19035 
100-17361 
100-20116 



level and, Ohio 
December 19, 1952 



WM£ 100-11836 Morris Kreitner 

Negro ^ 100-10263 Hay Dennis 

Sue Biles 100-14573 Bert Washington 

100-14394 Ethel Goodman 



|furnished the writer on December 3, 1952, the follow- b7D 

ing items of literature which informant received from the NNLC ia con- 
nection with the national convention of the NNLC held November 21~23, 1952, 
in Cleveland: 

1. A one page mimeographed announcement pointing out that the 
second annual convention of the NNLC opens at the St. Matthews M.S. Church, 
3500 Scovill Avenue, on Friday, November 21, 1952, and featuring PAUL 
EOBESON and COLEMM YOUNG. 

2» A one page mimeographed resolution from the railroad, industry, 
received by informant November 23, 1952, at the convention* 

3. A two page mimeographed resolution on screening in the mari- 
time industry obtained November 23, 1952, "by the informant. 

4. A one page mimeographed resolution on colonialism* 

5. A one page mimeographed resolution on the defense of HAROLD 
WjfflD. 

6. A one page mimeographed resolution on the strike of Negro 
fishermen in the South. 

7. A two page mimeographed resolution on negro women. 

8. A two page mimeographed resolution of jobs and IHSPC. 

9. A one page mimeographed resolution to be submitted by New 
York City teachers Union, Local 555, UPW to the Second annual convention 
of the NNLC. 

10. A fifteen page mitaeographed pamphlet captioned, "The Truth 
About the EEPC Fight", received by< informant November - * 33, 1952, at the 
convention (informant inadvertently dated receipt of literature as 11-5-33); 
this pamphlet was issued by tb^ HNLO, 410 East barren Ave., Detroit, Mich. 



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11. A four page printed leaflet issued "by the National Committee 
to Defend Negro leadership and furnished to informant sj, the convention, 
is captioned, "An Appeal. . .In Defense of Negro Leadership", and contains 
the photographs of known Communists such as PETTIS PEERY, OAK© I A JOKES, 
PAUL EOBESON, etc. 

12. A one page lithographed letter by PAUL ROBESON to "Dear 
Friend" asking that the recepients subscribe to the $5 advance sale of 
ROBESON's album. This was issued at the convention. 

13* A one page mimeographed letter "by the Cleveland Negro Labor 
Council to "All Members", issued "by ETHEL L. GOODMAN, Executive Secretary > 
and received "by informant November 14, 1952, and announcing the last mem- 
bership meeting of the labor council to be held Sunday, November 16, 1953. 

14. A small twenty seven page printed pamphlet captioned, "Now 
is the Time", by M. E* TRAVIS, and issued by the NNLC, This booklet con- 
tains a statement of principles of the NNLC. 

15. A thirteen page pamphlet issued by the NNLC* entitled, 
"Por These Things We Pigiht" , and contains a program of action and state- 
ment of principles of the NNLC* 

16. An 89 page printed pamphlet entitled, "(Jet On Board the 
Freedom Train l», which contains the proceedings of the founding conven- 
tion of the NNLC in Cincinnati, Ohio, October 27-28, 1951. 



Item sixteen will be placed in the 1A j acket of 
items 1~15 will be placed in the informant's file | 



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PAUL ROBESON 

AMERICA'S FOREMOST FREEDOM FIGHTER 

COLEMAN YOUNG 

National Executive Secretary of the 
NATIONAL NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 

UPWA CHORUS 

UNITED PACKINGHOUSE WORKERS: . 
Direct from Chicago 

"THE SCAB" 

An up-to-the-minute one-act play based on 
the current attempt to" ""lynch" a mili- 
tant Negro tra.de unionist in Chicago 

YOUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS 

Delegates representing Negro workers and^ trade unions 

all over America 



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RESOLUTION FROM THE RAIIROAD INDUSTRY 




We the Delegates and Observers attending the Second National Negro Labnr 
Council Contention representing the Railroad Ind ustry, call the convention's 
attention* to many fQ-rte not generally known by workers of other industries , 
and delegates and observers to this convention 

(a) Thatj Negro workers and other minority groups working in the Railroad 
industry .tecs uutold discrimination and Jim Crow policies that have long been 
abolished ty most workers in other crafts. 

(b) Most or all carriers have maintained Jim Grow hiring policies in all 
higher classifications and crafts of the industry, relegating Negro workers in 
the main to the classifications of Porters, Waiters, Cooks, Coach Attendants, 
and other menial classifications • 

2 . That the big 4 Brotherhoods of the Railroad industry, railroad engineers, 
railroad firemen^ railroad conductors and flagmen and brakemen have supported- 
and cooperated wnththe carriers by maintaining these jobs under their juris- ■ 
diction lily-white 5 through clauses in their contracts and constitutions 
barring Negroes and other minority groups in their unions, 

3 • That the government ^ through contracts for mail carrying, troop trans- 
portation^ and the carrying of freight with the carriers without insisting 
on democratic hiring policies*, have buttressed the Jim Grow hiring policy of 
the industry Aud through trie Railway lobcr Act have a direct responsibility 
in regulating the ■Wbo^'and Management relationship dealing with collective 
bargaining in the industry* 

4* Due to the changing of the local Motive power from steam engines to 
diesel engine 5 thus speeding up the moving of all trains has further decreased 
the Negro workers in this industry. 

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED; 

That the National ^egro labor G ouncil Convention pledge its support in general 
to fighting the Jim Crow policy in the industry, and we call on all workers 
both .Negro and white to join in a united driva to smash the Jim Crow walls in 
the Railroad industry and we \>rge all unions in the industry to take every 
possible step to support the fight for an end to discrimination and Jim Crow. 

To force all Carriers to adopt FoE«P.C« in the Railroad industry. To help 
sustain these unions in the Railroad industry that are in the fight for first 
class citizenship for Negro Railroad workers and other -minority groups on 
their jobs and in their community. 

Respectively submitted in behalf! of the Dining Car and Railroad F ood Workers 
Union Independent by. 

"-'LaRoy Wilson, National Vice-President 
Ralplci Turner, National Coordinator of Organi- 
zation 
Kenria*v,Vu-<jrea:*TvA^ -Oj-ganizer on the Chio&go.-aja^ 



i 



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' M/3 ' 

fyJ ^RESOLUTION ON SCREENING IN THE MARITIME INDUSTRY yW" 

We the representatives of the Maritime Industry come before this convention 

today to present a bill of indictment against the M a ritime I dustry the Govern- 
ment and the unions collaborating with the first two in screening* 
was 
As/re-oorted in the founding convention screening is a weapon to be used 

by the industry in collaboration with the government to eliminate Negro, other 
minority groups and militant trade unionists from the Maritime Industry and other 
allied industries . 

That the ratio of Negro and other minorit™ groups to other workers screened * 
was over 90% on the East and West coasts and Hawaii, 

This process of screening undeP the phony nationalemergency edict is be- 
ginning to move into other industries were the defense derartment has placed 
procurement orders* The re salts. of screenings in the Maritime I dustry rives 
avivid picture of what is to come in other industries. 

Previous to World War II there werd no key ratings for- Negroes in the 
U.S. Merchant Marine. Itms not until the forma tiori of the Ma ti time Union, in 
1he yea? 1936 that the 'Key ratings o£ unlicensed persoamU in all departments 
on ships developed. In the year X9U2 a fight developed to place Captain Mulzac* 
as master of a ship. Ihis fight has been successful through ihe efforts ' 
of his struggles for those past 2k years with the final help of the then National 
Negro Congress. With this victory, came; about the subsequent opening up of a 
field for Ne^ro officers in the U. S. Merchant Marine Mnd finally the Navy. 
. The example set by the leadership of Captain H. Mul.ac in the integration of 
people of all races on board the Booker T # Washington has resounded throughout 
the world as an outstanding- example of democracy- in action, during the -sears of 
war and peace xt& one could question the accomplishments, confidence and devotion 
to duty by the officers of the BOT. Immediately after world war two all mer- 
chant ships carried Negro .officers, was decommissioned and these officers were 
then on unemployed. . - 




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The BOW was the only ship carrying Negro and whitPof ficers up to 19U7* 
at which time the entire Merchant Ma tine was denuded Negro Captains >. .Mates and ^ 
Engineers. The radio operators because of a strong hiring hall clause, were 
the only Negro officers to remain sailing. On April 1, 19k9 the U.S. Coast Guard 
started its screening urogram beginning with 1*00 radio operators including al- 
most every Negro Wireless Operator in the service ♦ This screening resulted also 
in the removal of Captain H. Mulzao and over 5000 licensed unlicensed personnell 
from the ships. The Coast Guard further extended its screening to cover all 
Longshoremen, and personnell moving on and off docks on the East and West Coast 
Great Lakes and Hawaii. Die percentage of Negro seamen screened in the N.M.U. 

is well over 75$* 

The workers in fee Maritime and Allied industries believe that to deprive 
a man of work because of so-called disloyalty is Un-American, undemocratic and 

inhuman • 

THEREFORE 
Bo it resolved that this 2nd National Negro Labor .Council i» ocworut^n. a*«©mbl©dt 

(1) Form a National Maritime Committee* 

(2) To fight for an EEPC in the Marine Industry 

(3) To expose and fight the use -of screening as a major device to eliminate 
from the Maritime and Allied Industries; Negroes olher minorities and militant 
trade unionists - Such as Captain H. Mulzac and other militants. 




II. — £2_^^ks^€pL ^^^ - -.. ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

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RKSOET lTfoN 01^ JgOIfl N X AX.ISM 

S*ctbHi3--bted by Joe J!oWuorv,ft5jdL«s. Gattlet 
National* Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards 

The program of o^OoWl.^.the *•«*.**-**— ~*~~»r — * ****** *° -^" this 
earth with the dignity of a t^.WL«. dtl.«, the right to work and he proved 
and a person's ability being the only prerequisite for his employment. We recognize 
that these things are not obtainable unless we understand that we must condemn loudly 
and articulately all forms of tyranny. Colonialism is an evil that affects us 
tremen dously right here at home. The present architects of our society are heads 
of big corporations, who stand to make tremendous profits by continuing colonialism, 
a vicious form of slavery. In South Africa, one of the largest industries is the 
Neumont Mining Co. The Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Neumont Mining 
company is none other than James F. Byrnea, Govemor-.of South Carolina, where 
recently 28 confessed lynchers went free. The President-elect new appointee as 
Secretary of Defense, C. E. Wilson, is head of General Motors, mother industry that 
has great profit-making enterprises in Africa. These ruthless, greedy, selfish 
special interest groups are hell-bent on continuing their mad game of maintaining 
their super-profits at ^expense of all those who work for a living. In all place 
where colonialism exists, the people of these countries suffer intolerably. Vicious 
forms of Jim Crow are the order of the day. Misery, poverty, brutality in its most 
ruthless expression, are the weapons that these people must use to protect their 
profits. They use suberfuge and deciet, not honesty and sincerity. While shoutxng 
to the world that we represent true democratic tradition, that second-class citizen- 
ship is against our very concepts of democracy, they seek to perpetuate colonialism- 
Did not James P. Byrnes state recently that self-determination for the African 
people would be against the best interests of our State Department, And we could 
go right down the line with deadly and accurate regularity - John Foster Dulles, 
Humphrey, Daugherty, and a host of others must not be allowed to put the best 
interests of those whom they represent ahead of the welfare of the citizens of thi, 

co-un-try* 

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED: That this convention of the National Negro Labor CounciT 
. wholeheaf tedly condemns colonialism and exposes it for what it really is - a 
vicious powerful cruel enemy to the aspirations of our people, and 

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED: 

That we extend a hearty hand of greeting to those colonial people who are fighting 

such a valiant battle for freedom*- 




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2011 BY S0 3 24UCBAI«J/SB/CI-rW<, 



RESOLUTION ON THE DEFENSE OF HAROLD WARD 



* 



1 




As B ig business increases its drive* against* the living standards and Civil 
Rights of the -working people, Trade unions and their leaders mil face new and 
intensified attacks in an effort to split and divide the unity of the workers, 
Negroes and other minorities will be made the special victims of persecutions 
and frame ups. 

The International Harvester G ompany determined to add ever more profits to 
the already exhorbitant figure of 177 million forced its workers on strike for 
over thirteen weeks. This strike was a part of -the attempt of a powerful and 
arrogant corporation to impose wage cuts and down gradings on its workers and 
finally destroy their union. 

^uring this this thirteen week strike the company utilized every conceivable 
form of strike breaking and union busting including scab herding, Taft-Hartley 
injunctions, violence, intimidation by police, and use of McCarran Committee. 
The Company was desperate in* its attempt to smash* the strike of its workers. 

On Oct, 3, 19^2 this Company plotted an even more desperate and sensational 
attempt to split the unity of Negro and white workers, to inflane public opinion 
against the union and finally to cover up the real facts of their union busting. 

On October 3, 1952 Harold ^ard, financial secretary of Local 108, UEFE 
an outstanding Negro leader in. his local in the Chicago McCormick ^orks of 
Harvester was framed on the charge of murder. Ward was not just a militant trade 
union leader, he was an outstanding fighter for the people. "Whenever the rights 
of the people were in jeopardy Ward could be found in the forefront of the fight. 

Without even an inquest being conducted Harold Ward was held responsible 
for the death of a non-striking Harvester Worker which occurred five miles away 
from the scene of the strike. 

With hysteria whipped up day after day ty the G hicago Newspapers, the 
Company hoped to weave a pattern of one contradictory statement after another 
that would complete the frame-up of ^*ard. 

\ ~ Because f his determined, bitter" and unrelenting opposition to a powerful 
corporation bent on super profit s, and because of his militant and outspoken fight 
in behalf of the workers, the life of H arold Ward today hangs in the balance. 

Aided by a corrupt political machine, influential politicians and employer 
dominated newspapers the International Harvester G ompany has been able to frame 
Harold ^ard with the charge of murder, with death a s the penalty. 

It is not the first time that militant trade unionists have been the vic- 
tims of a frame— up plot. America remembers with shame the frame-ups of T om 
Mooney and & acco and v anzetti. It is not the^ first time that Negro Workers 
have been the victims of a legal frame-up. W e recall with shame and bitter in- 
dignation the Willie McGee case and the Martinsville Seven just to mention a 
few. 

^he American Working people can and will fight. The mobilization of the 
people \f or the defense of Harold Ward must make even the tremendous mass support 
for* ^acco and "^anzetti or the Scottsboro case seem small by comparison. 

< ^.. ~^ e ~'^£hnc 7 t^h1i "we will not permit Harold ^ard to become another "Millie 
M c Gee. 

A ' frame up of ^ v ard would endanger the security of every union and its 
leadership, not just FE-UE. 

A frame —up of ^'ard would encourage every c or rupt element in government to 
ride rough shod over the w elf are and dignity of all workers. 

A frame-up of v "ard would be nothing more or less than a "legal" lynching of 
an outstanding Negro leader, who refused to bow his head before the greed of 
an arrogant corporation. 

^he attempted frame-up of ^ tf ard is a shocking travesty of justice that de- 
serves and commands the outraged protest of .every democratic and decent conscience 
in " a merica*> 



* * 



The National Negro Labor Councii- 

The National Negro Labor Council is dev^^ned that nothing shall be spared ' 
to save Harold Ward* Nothing shall be left undov.o * a defers- this great trade 
union leader and fighter for the Negro people* 

The National Negro Labor Council pledges that it will work unceasingly to 
mobilize full f inancial, aod- moral support .for the defense of Harold Ward and 
calls upon all of its affiliated Local Councils and Chapters to do likewise* 

The National Negro Labor Council urges all unions AFL, CIO and Independent 
to give their full and unqualified support for the defense of Harold Ward, as 
the first line of the defense of their own union and leaders* 

The National Negro Labor Council finally calls upon all fighters for the 
rights of the people and all Community and Fraternal organizations to work for 
the freedom of Harold Ward as a fundamental step in the fight for freedom and 
democracy o 



i 



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RESOLUTION -ON "THET -STRIKE J3E .NEGRO-Js 1 : 



ALL IUFOKHATIOET COMTAIHED 

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. .uljchb .south. 




Paul Robeson and President. _H G od in -their important -a&rir^sso^-s ±q .jb3a*» -G/>rrvient-ion3 

both stressed the vital necessity Tor the organization of the south, where lies 

the roots of the tree of -white supremacy and Jim C r0 w, The International Fur and 

is , . . 

Leather Workers Union/ locked in the life and death struggle -with the most vicious 

forces of white boss exploitation, and discrimination in the entire southland, from 

Virginia to the Gulf of Mexico, u ine thousand ixI egro fishermen and their families 

have been on strike for six months, since May 1, resisting with heroic courage 

every conceivable weapon brought to bear against them-* 

Years of persecution and the not second but third class citizenship have 
steeled and prepared them for this struggle. For the past 127 years the fishing 
interests along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts have used every weapon of white supre- 
macy to build themselves monopolies out of the blood and sweat of the Negro fisher- 
men and their families. These men receive ten cents per thousand of which tw> cents 
are held back, as a means of forcing them to remain on the job. "While the white 
officers who do .not w> rk but get one dollar per thousand. The men are charged 
fantastic sums for the food they must eat aboard ship and they are robbed merci- 
lessly for every item they buy at sea, as for instance $0 cents for a pack of 
cigarettes* 

They were betrayed and doublecrossed by other organisers who did not practice 
or believe in Negro-white unity and equality. These workers under the leadership 
of the Fur and -^eather Workers Union projected a program based upon the firmest 
Negro-white unity and solidarity and proved its sincerity by refusing to accept 
the Jim Crow pattern of the south, this union successfully organized these fisher- 
men and has taken on the struggle with these powerful rulers -of the southland. 

These workers are determined that no force on earth will send them b ack to their 
slavery. No force will break their strike or their union* Starvation, beatings, 

terms, evictions, Negro baiting and Red baiting, all of which have been tried, 
the workers stood firm. 

These are our people in the forefront of the struggle for the organization of 

outh* This is not their battlefield alone but the struggle of all white and 
workers in America i\ho believe in democracy and equal opportunity ^ • wis -ing to 
is triumphtake p3a ce v in the south, Z 

ORE BE IT RESOLVED^ that "the ^ational Negro Labor Council and every local 
council and delegate will rally -their support and assistance to these brave workers 
and their families and their union* 
THIS IS THE BRIDGEHEAD TO DEMOCRACY IN THE SOUTH, 



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^OATTTmr^TT ™t *tii«t^ „r^ ,*n„ ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

RESOLUHOW ON NEGRO TO MEN BEBEm I3 ^^3^^^ 



. ^ - v ^^^ ■TDATE 02-10-2011 BY 60 3 24UCBAXJ/SB /CHW 

The National Negro JJI^r Council was born out of the^jppas -ana struggles oi" the 
^** Negro people o In order to fully realize its full potential , we must strive for 
a greater understanding of "the tremendous contributions Negro to men have made, 
believing 'that this knowledge can itself become a weapon in the s truggle for full 
freedom of the Negro people and the winning of Worli Peace . 

Negro w> men a re suffering disastrously from job denials acd discrimination in pa y 
The full extent of discrimination a gainst Negro women in employment is revealed, 
when we consider that the meager number " employed in industrial, retail and office 
business, are chained to the lower rungs of the " job ladder and forceably prevented 
from advancing to jobs of higher skills and pay. 

Mass unemployment, which is becoming chronic, finds Negro women more severely 
affected ihan ever before e Job discrimination is the base from which other forms 
of inequality springy making the Negro women a sufferer triply oppressed. 

Looked at in terms of family and community life, the denial of job opportunities 
and the oppression of Negro women means lower standards of living and the blight 
of inequality and jim c row. 

The gains of labor cannot be made secure unlkss the rights of Negro women are won # 
The fight of the Negro people for iheir compile te equality cannot be achieved unless 
Negro women a re freed to participate fully in the struggle. She American je ople 
will not reach their goal of security and peace without efforts of Negro wmen. 

We are determined that tfoe plight of Negro women and all "auction block" attitudes 
toward them will be wiped out* "There can be no consistent fight for the rights 
of the Negro people without a coming to task with the criminal treatment suffered 
by the Negro wmen." 

Negro and white, women and men are gathered here today to pay tribute to -the 
National Negro Labor Council in the process of mapping aprogram of action in this 
convention. With which we can make a vital contribution to the uplifting of the 
Negro women from the shackles of job poverty and inequality. 

There is a real need for women committees as a vital part of our council buiHing. 
The increased participation on the part of women in the Greater Chicago Council 
as a result of the establishment of a Women's Committee stands as a splended exampfe 
of what can be accomplished if this special approach is made. 

ltU.2# of the Negr6 women over lU years old are either working or looking for- work, 
as compared to 36.6% of white women over lU years of age looking for work. 

Is it not then clear that more Negro women by necessity are forced to work in order 
to Ixve a decent life and provide for their families? Yet, more than 18.2^ of the 
Negro women in Chicago, for example, who want to or need to work can't find work 
mainly because of jim crow and discrimination in hiring *- No longer can this cri- 
minal situation be tolerated. In this same midwest' city, Negro vo men who are in 
l8 e ^ W °f^ S r ° rC€ \ ^ VP>'» of the unemployed, whereas g white women make u? 
■m.6% of the unemployed there. 10 v o£ of the Negro women wo*kiu- have either clori- 

«J*^-iSS e? k ] <*' t^ ^ d% ° f th ° T7hite VDn ° n ™****G have-either clerical tor " 
sates- JobS*. 1.5% of the Negro w omen workers have skilled or semi-skilled jobs, 
while white women compose 7 S% of the workers in this field. Recognizing that both 
Negro and Tahite women are at the bottom of the ladder. g g °° t ' n 

To further illustrate ihis plight of Negro women in jobs, 3d.2% of ai Negro women 
are in laundries, dry clewing establishments, etc. While 20.6^ of whitf w^meT 

te^oe^r^lriTs 1 ^ 0^*°^ ^ °t Lx Wh±te -men working are i^ domestic 
service work and 18.6^ of all working non-white are in domestic service work. 

The above figures place quite clearly to us that the Negro women of that area *m 
carriers against women, especially Negro women, for. in addition to b eimr a - oart of 

bUck Gwhite: S " ^ standards ° £ all ^rkars, men and women, 

^ri^ol °uV^^ in area - 

earned by Negro women in domestic "x^^^^S^^^^^^^^^^ . 




2 - Resolution on Women 

also used in "the computation. These low earnings are used to help fix the rates 

of men* 

is important to all of us* 
THE SIRUGGIxE FOR THE KHGHTS OF NEGRO TO MEN in America/ We must pledge "from this 
day on that our Councill will evermore be vigorous in its activity on the RIGHTS 
OF NEGRO TOMERT. 

THEREFORE BE IT RESOETEDt 

That this National Negro labor Council Convention d edic ate itself to the 
fight for the full dignity, freedom and equality of Negro women, and that the 
following initial steps "be taken: 

1* Setting up of a Women's Committee nationally aid instrucing all locaL Councils 
to set up locaL women * f s -committees* 

2 m That Women's Conferences be called within the regions to discuss specific prob- 
lems confronting Negro w omen* 

3« That the National Leadership give immediate consideration to the calling of a 
National Women *s -Conference and establish more effective organizational s true ture 
to handle v© men's rights* 

Lu That all trade unions fight to see that Negro women are hired in all shops 
and departments* 

Be it further resolved, that the National Office give serious study to the Negro 
women's struggle in the South and report to all wmen's committees throughout the 
country their findings * 



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A year ago, 1 ' at our bounding Convention in Cincinnati, we said "The struggle on 
economic issues and Tor a job is basic to the struggle for "egro rights. It vd.ll 
become more important as the attacks on the living standards of the people increase^' 
It is this struggle for jobs and economic equality "that is the weak«s-b' in the: fight 
for ail egro liberation." 

As the 2nd Annual Convention of the NNLC convenes, the fight for jobs and economic 
equality has become more important because, in the intervening year, the attacks 
on the living standards of all the people have increased and taken on many vicious 
forms * Statistics released in the census of 195'0 show that the living standards of 
the ^egro people have suffered more than any other group of the American people 
who work for a living 

The concentration of the NNLC on struggles for economic equality — for new jobs 
for Negro w orkers and with emphasis on jobs for i^egro wmen, already has proved to 
be the key ~ the first Ion*! step to full freedom Of the x "egro people • Not only 
has it served to unite Negroes from broad sections of the community in common 
struggle, but it has proved to be the anvil upon which a high degree of unity 
between T^egro and white w orkers has been forged. 

Through the struggles mounted by the various Local Councils, the &NLC has brushed 
aside the obstacles and opposition that have been raised ty t he enemies of labor 
and the w'egro people.. We have successfully side-stepped the pitfalls of disrup- 
tion and diversion with -which Big Business and their controlled government hoped 
to divide us and turn us aside from our rondeavous with freedom. 

The 1J egro people and their allies a*aong the white workers have demonstrated again 
and again all over this land that the economic walls of jim-crow will come tumbling 
down under the force generated by the insistent demands aid the organized struggles- 
of a people determined to have freedom. 

&ore than that, the history of the first year of progress along the- main line of the 
Freedom Train has shown that a new force must be reckoned with when giant corpora- 
tions such as international Harvester set out to destroy- militant trade unions, 
slash wages and separate Negro workers from their white brothers and sisters* 
Events in Bessemer, ^labama, have produced the kind of unity between Negro' and 
white w rkers in economic struggles, led by a national officer of the iMNLC, which 
defies .the blazing guns of the white supremacists while defending their union and 
preserving its democracy, " 

Among the many victories that have been recorded -by the KNLC and its Local Councils 
+CT £ Ver Ajnerica * the majority have come as a result of struggles directed against 
the business enterprises servicing the *egro ghettoes - department stores, super- 
markets, delivery routes, etc. T he ^st outstanding oxanple on a national scale 
have been the victories in California, New Jersey and Ohio over stores of the Sears, 
Roebuck giant empire in these areas* 

A limited and agitational fight so far has been conducted against the airline in- 
dustry. However, it has focused attention on the demand for jobs for kegro men 
and vt/omen in this government subsidized industry*' 

But we have not yet seriously tackled the basic industries employing hundreds of 
thousands of -egro workers but few «ogro women. Here the great masses of these Nepro 

claSriioaiionf e £ enCed *? t^ P r SSSd d °™ t0 thG lowest paid and most undesirable 
classifications. He cannot hope to move the tot& ec6nomic oppression of the Kerro 
people imposed by jim-crow without breaking ghrough in some section of basic industry 

^^c:!^ SKt^r at * hite f * ther ^ a — ™- Hou s se on iS°haS e - 

Here again, during the past year, the KMLD through its Detroit Council has woven 

theL W Jeei.fon ker L^^ "T^ ™° f±S ™ ^ ™*° if! " is takenlo the peopl^or 
^ IL tft sxo 5' .^ ou g h votes were cast by white workers to approve an FEPC ordinance 
in the city of River Houge recently had not a single *eero cast « m tl tvL „^- 

we ir/tr^r^*^ one dr * fted hy th/sKit^s? pS.sJSi^ oniy r ?r~ 

Sted^he'^uncS:: 631 ^^ leg±Slation P""« ««~ petitLns had Len^ircu- 

^t°be e »^?-i^L!f^ ^- 0;f si 8 n ? ture s *or FEPC legislation throughout this land 
must be neaffirmed and this campaign mounted with even greater inteW-fcv +n mL a „ 
impact upon a newCongress that bodes no good for workLf people. 

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that this S eC0 nd Annual Convention of +>,*, "*+■? i ?- 
Labor Council assembled in Cleveland, Ohio this 23rd o? »^Lw ?o*f tx ° nal * ie g ro 
following jobs program and adopts specS^c pSns I or cfrrylng it'ou?? ' a ^ roved the 




"•* 




2- J^'-i^zE&EGLflB^Mk Ph£' iK: 



4 



»*• 



1« To complete a total victory out of ottf preseftt partial victory in the Sears 
chain, nationally* 

2, To plan-, coordinate and finance the c&npaign necessary to break through in the 
American Airlines in 1953* 

3,« To concentrate on ralroads as the basic industry which must be tackled becaise 
of its worsening jim-crow practices * 

k* To stop up the canpaign for dur "model clause" in every union contract* 

J>. To join mth all orgai izations possible in a renewed struggle for FEPC legisla- 
tion in federal,, state aid city governments ♦ 



dpowa87 



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*• RESOLUTION 10 BE MMTTTED BY NEW YORK CITY TEACHEMgfiMiUJM 3 hu^ah 555 $ u^/v 
to the SECOND ANNUAL CONVENTION OP THE NATIONAL NEGRO IABOR COUNCIL 



lh }**$-$$/$ 



WHEREAS: employment training for the professions, in general, and for the field 
of teaching, in particular, must start in the elementary school and 
continue through the academic high school and the college, and 

WHEREAS: Negro students all over our land generally have the poorest school 

facilities in the city so that many who have the ability to prepare for* 
and attend college do not realise their full educational potentialities, 
and 

"WHEREAS* an inordinate number of Negro pupils are "shunted" into vocational high 
schools and into "general courses" in the academic high schools, as a 
result of a generally poor guidance program which is dominated by the 
"practical" but false philosophy of preparation for "jobs that they can 
get" instead of preparing according to interests and abilities, and 
neither of these cours.es lead to college, and 

WHEREAS: this results in very few* Negroes qualifying for the professions and, 
when followed by discriminatory practices in hiring, accounts for the 
fact that so few Negroes are in any of the professions, and 

WHEREAS: the teaching profession offers more employment opportunities to Negro 
women than any other profession, and 

WHEREAS: Negro women are the victims of a vicious exclusion from many of New Yoric 
City schools, which has about a 10$ Negro population, has a shockingly 
low number of Negroes employed in the city's schools (public schools), 
only 2^% of the total, according to a survey conducted by the teacher's 
union of that city, and 

WHEREAS: some teachers who have been most active in attempting to improve these 
conditions for the benefit of their Negro students have been dismissed 
from their positions, 

THEREFORE: BE IT RESOLVED that this body go on record as condemning the failure 

of the Board of Education in all states to correct the abominable school 
conditions in areas of predominently Negro population, and as demanding 
the Board provide in areas more and bettor school buildings," smaller 

classes, and all other services needed by young Negro students to 
prepare themselves for professional careers, and be it further 

RESOLVED: that we urge these school officials to make a planned and determined 
effort to encourage Negro students to prepare for teaching careers 
and other professions and to eliminate any discriminatory practices 
which might prevent some from becoming teachers in schools, and be it ■ 
fur til er 

RESOLVED: that we demand the reinstatement of teachers dismissed in the current 
witchhunt in the New York City schools, a witch hunt in which there 

have been victimised teachers who have brought to public attention the 
problems of their Negro students and have tried to improve these con- 
ditions and said teachers being members of another minority, the Jewish 
people discriminated against, who show by their acts show great under- 
standing of the needs of our people, 

BE IT FINALLY RESOLVED that copies of this resolution be sent to the members of the 
Board of Education and to the Mayor and members of the legislative 
bodies of that city and where councils exist* dpowa 87 




r 



7HE TRiTJ>J ABOUT* 



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1 



T ABLE OF CONTENTS 
T HE TRUTH ABOUT THE FBFC FIGHT 



J irfcr oduc t i on 1 

Non l^^ t^jgjgtegge e. Off Since 1944 1 

Negroes. Eliminated From Indus-try Since 1944 2 

War Plants Now Not Hiring Negroes 2 

Negroes Jim*~Crowed Into Least Desirable Jobs 3 
Examples of Discrimination on an Industry and 

Company Basis 3 

Discrimination by the Federal Government - 4 

The . Economic Position off Negro , Women 5 

The Bitt er Fruit off Job Discrimination 6 
Increa sing Poverty for 21 Million Workers 
A.JL1 Worker s Suffer 

WIio*s Re s ponsible *7 

The Record off Talk and No Action on FEPC 9 

FEPC During Roosevelt Presidency 9 
1944. Republican-Democratic Promises ffor 

FHJFG 9 

Killing Offff Wartime FEPG 9 

1946 - Killing the Chaves-Norton FEPC Bill .10 

1947 - The * Republican Congress Ignores FEPC .10 
" 1948- Second Year off Republican Inaction 

on FEPC 'lO 
1949 ~ Republicans and Democrats Again Pledge 

Action on FEPC 11 

1949 - Betrayal Repeated - FEPC Blocked 11 

1950 ~ The Bi-Partisan Sell-Out off FEPC 12 

1951 - Despite Promises, A Complete Blank 

ffor FEPC 13 

1952 - Again No Action On FEPC 13 
- Republicans and Democrats Share- RagpongiM 13 ty 

ffor FEPC Betrayal 13 

The Presidt3ntial.jeiection-or'l952 14- 

Sununary -15 



^^ ALL lUFOra-IATIOW CONTAINED 

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THE TRUTH &BOUT THE FEPq FIGHT 
Into oduc ti o n 

Twenty-one million Negroes and other non-White peoples of this country are on 
the march for a Federal FEPC with teeth. So numerous and effective were the many 
voices raised for FEPC that it was a dominating issue at both the Republican and 
Democratic National Conventions and in the political campaigns that followed. The 
Negro people and minority groups demand the protection of Federal FEPC to prevent 
continuing deterioration -in their living conditions. Millions of white workers faced 
with a loss of jobs and an attack on their standard of living as a result of the gov- 
ernment-supported company runaway shop 'movement to the South, are demanding an 
effective FEPC in self -protection, 

FEPC legislation must be a first order of business in the coming Congress. 
However, the industrialists of the country, as in previous years, will fight des- 
perately in the Congress which they control to bottle up FEPC legislation through 
all kinds of political shenanigans and double crosses, 

U.S. News , a magazine which represents big business* viewpoint quite openly 
asserts that election promises will once more be pigeon-holed: 

"Civil rights will be quietly put back in the 
'deep freeze 1 by the 83d Congress. too. The con- 
servative coalition has stopped a Federal Fair 
Employment Practise Commission for years, and no 
change in its intentions is in sight, 

"Indications are that if legislation comes up from 
the White House, providing for the end of segregation 
in the District of Columbia, that will be quietly 
pigeonholed also, Eisenhower is committed to propos- 
ing such legislation. The new Congress probably will 
receive it, and then forget it." (November 14, 1952) 

The greatest mobilization "of the poeple will therefore be required to carry 
through the fight for FEPC, to insure that an effective FEPC bill is introduced 
immediately into the new Congress, that it is not bottled up in committee, and that 
the will of the people overrides all filibusters, compromises and other attempts 
made to kill FEPC on the floor of Congress, 

Those who profit from discrimination, the employers, say "Look at the progress 
we have made" or n It is the function of the strtes to act on discrimination." These 
employers through their kept press suppress the shocking facts of the constant worsen- 
ing of the conditions of the Negro people which also serves to drag down the living 
conditions of the entire working population. These shocking facts brought to the 
light of day are an invaluable aid in the fight for a Federal FEPC with teeth, 

Non-Whites Worse Off Since .1944 

The first startling fact which has been buried in government figures is that the 
economic position of non-white families since 1944 has deteriorated. 

This is a complete refutation of those who argue that "time" alone has brought.- 
a lessening of economic and other forms of discrimination against the Negro people 
and minority groups. 

It was not time but the pressures of World War II, a Federal FEPC and other 
democratic efforts which brought about the temporary improvement in the conditions 
of Negroes and minority groups in World War II. With the end of FEPC, these gains 
were largely lost. 

The gains between 1940 and 1944 were not automatic with ris ing employment, but 
only when the pressures of the democratic organizations of the peopl e with the help 
of FEP C forced war indust r y employers to lower the iim-crow barriers. I t is import- 
ant to note that the losses after 1944 followed the killing of FEPC bv Congress , 
w hich g ave a clear field to employers to discriminate at will agains t Negroes and 
iTi nori ties in post-war .jobs. In the absence of FEPC T the increasing emplo yment of 
'l ) «"" r orean w ar boomlet led to no relaxation of discrimination against Negro workers 
5n jpdu s tr y », 



Negroes Eliminated From Industry Since 194-4 

The proportion of* male jobs held by Negro men increased from 8.6 -percent in 1940 
to 9.8 percent in 1944,- then fell t o 8.3 percent in I960 . Xn 1940, Negro men held 
2.8 percent of all professional and semi-professional men's jobs; by 1944, Negro 
men held 3.3 percent 'of the professional pnd semi-professional male jobs; b ut by IV £U 
t heir shore had fallen to 2. 6 percent, which was a lower per centage than in 1940. 
Negro men held 5,9 percent of the male jobs as factory operatives in 1940$ by 3-944, 
the proportion has risen to 10.2 percent; but by 1950, their share had fallen to 8.5 
per cent . 

In 1944 and 1947 one-fourth of all non-whites employed outside agriculture were 
in manufacturing but by 1950 only one-fifth were in these industries. The corres- 
ponding decline for whites was less than half as severe. In 1944, 8,3 percent of 
non-whites employed outside agriculture were in transportation, communication, and 
public utilities; sections of which were traditional strongholds of segregation. 
But hy 1950 the percentage of the non-whites engaged in these industries had fallen 
to 5.9 percent, while there was no decline among whites. The proportion of non- 
whites in transportation and public utilities in 1950 was even lower than in 1940. 
In 1944, 40 percent of Negroes employed outside agriculture were still in the ser- 
vices, the- most characteristic segregated Negro occupations; but by 1950 43.0 per- 
cent were in those segregated occupations. Between 1947 and 1950 the proportion of 
whites engaged in the services did not increase. (Source: U.S. Employment Service 
Study, "The Status and Characteristics of Non-whites in the Labor Force in the 
United States," "April 1950 and U.S. Dept. of Labor Employment figures.) 

In industry after industry^ the limited Progress made during World War II period 
has since been reversed. Negro workers had secured their greatest beachhead in 
rabidly expanding wartime industries such as shipbuilding, aircraft and ammunition. 
With the decline of these industries, tens of thousands of Negro wage earners were 
thrown on the street at a more rapid rate than whites. The U.S. Census Bureau 
revealed that under the "last hired, first fired" policy which is always applied to 
minorities, unemployment among whites in the period from July, 1945 to April 1, 1946 
increased one-and-one half times, while among non-whites it more than tripled. 

The grim warning made by President Roosevelt *s FSPC in its final report - that 
"the war time gains of Negro, Mexican- American and Jewish workers are being dissipated 
through an unchecked revival of discriminatory practices" went unheeded* In spite 
of the great rise in unemployment among Negro wage earners, t^e "for white only" tag 
is increasingly being applied by employers throughout the nation: from Los Angeles, 
comes reports that 67.5 percent of job openings in a two week period in January, 
1951, were discriminatory, (Los Angeles Metropolitan Offices of Department of Em- 
ployment) ; from Chicago - at the en€i of 1950, 45 percent of Chicago USES offers were 
for "white only," (Report of Illinois Interracial Committee): and from New York - dis- 
crimination in employment increased in 1949 by 15 percent over 194.8, (New York State 
Commission Against Discrimination.) 

Prelim inary C e nsus figures show that in Ar tril 19 *50 in norther n cities 5-7 per - 
cent of white males were unemployed, but 14.2 percent of non-white male s were unem- 
ployed . 

War Plants Now Not Hiring Negroes 

Nor has the current war production program resulted in the r removal of barriers , 
against employment of Negro workers in industry. The National Urban League, as a re- 
sult of surveys made in 30 key industrial cities this year, concludes that, "Unless 
drastic steps btb taken to curtail discriminatory employment- practices in the 
• o jnrity of" the nation*s industries having defense contracts, there will be very few 
ITogro workers in the manpower mobilization program." The report also notes the 
following: 

"Discrimination against Negroes, follows a uniform 
pattern in plants located in northern and southern 
industrial centers... As the work force expands a few 
Negroes have been added to the maintenance and common 
labor group of workers* Negroes are rarely accepted 
for in-plant training programs in any of the communities 
studied by League personnel. The employment of Negroes 
in white-collar, administrative and technical jobs in 
these expanding industries is practically unheard of. 
In those communities where new plants are being con- 
structed for defense production, it is almost impossible 
to obtain any statement of policy with respect to the 
utilization of Negro personnel." 

-2- 



■OW tbe ECONOMIC CONDITION ' 
of NEGROES HAS DETEBIORATED 



Median income of urban families 
and single individuals 1945-1949 



WHITE 



s 



BIHiEI 



f 



white families 



Source; Bureau of Census 
Current Population Reports 
Consumer Income 




41.7^ less thij 
white families 



Hifl Efl H 



2a 



* 



In- anyone 1 s language this is not prb"gres# , of even a gradual nature. It is retro- 
gression, swift and terrible* 

Negroes Jim-Crowed into Least desirable Jobs 

U.S t Census Bureau's Preliminary Reports for 1950 reveal that now 4 out of 5 
Negro workers are relegated to the least desirable and least paying non-farm occupa- 
tions as factory operatives, domestic workers and other service workers and laborers. 
Not only are Negro workers ghettoed in low-wage occupations, but they are a^so forced 
to perform such occupations in a restricted number of industries. 

Plant by plant investigations in every major industrial area fill in the out- 
lines of the overall picture presented by the Census Bureau: Negro workers are main- 
tained as employees to fill the most difficult, most hazardous and most unpleasant 
jobs such as foundry workers, blast furnace operatives, fertilizer factory workers, 
lumber workers, common laborers, janitors and matrons. Although the work they per- 
form is most onerous, the occupations predominantly filled by Negro workers are 
compensated at the very bottom of the pay scale, and are paid less than other jobs 
requiring less physical exertion or responsibility. Toolrooms across the nation and 
the skilled machinist and maintenance trades are lily-white with lily-white appren- 
ticeship programs guaranteeing that these higher paying jobs will remain H'out of 
bounds" to Negro wage earners. 

The overwhelming elimination of Negro workers from their rightful place in 
high wage occupations is clearly revealed in the U.S. Census Bureau data of 1940: 

Percent of Negroes and Whites in Skilled Occupations: 1940 



J Occup ation 

Boilermakers 

Cabinetmakers and 
Patternmakers 

Carpenters 

Compositors & Typesetters 

Printing Craftsmen (other) 

Electricians 

Ma chinist s , Millwright s 
& Toolmakers 

Mechanics & Repairmen & 
Loom Fixers 

Roofers and Sheet Metal 
Workers 

Painters (construction) 
Pa perhangers 

Plumbers & Gas & Steam- 
fitters 



Percent of Negroes 


Percent of Whites 


1.8% 


99 * 2% 


1.2% 
3.7% 
1.0% 
0.5% 
0*6% 


93.8% 
96.3% 
99,0% 
99.5% 
99.452 


0.7% 


99.3% 


3.1% 


96.9% 


1.5% 


93. 5% 


3.1% 


96.3% 


2.1% 


97.9% 



This picture remains ho legs true today than in 1940-. * 

'-?*£- -1.es o f Discrimination on an Industry and Company Basis 

In the steel industry, of 32 occupations, Negroes are jim-crowed into the eight 
lowest paid, heaviest occupations. 

On the airlines Negroes are not employed for any occupations other than that of 
porter. 

In aircraft, communications, transportation and public utilities, Negroes are 
barred. 

In the automotive industries in Port Huron, Michigan, Negroes were not employed 
in Chrysler, Pressed Metals, Auto-lite, Motor Valve, Detroit Gasket, and Knight- 
ly or ley. 




are efr^w-j^-j^ am \,nese i or Tins ^iorro parx m x-ne .lowest grades?^ to work at the heavy, 
hot, d.orby and hss-ardous 5 ot, s* In these companies only a?/ter the mo.-:t intensive fight 
in the various locals and areas by US do th3 companies slowly and reluctantly hire or 
upgrade Negroes. 



Graduate andL 
PmfftssionalEducata^i 

i GRADUATE DEGREES 



►MASTER'S DEGREE 

DOCTOR'S DEGREE (pj^Jrt 
TroSo^^ 

DENTISTRY 
LAW 

MEDICINE 
PHARMACY 
SOCIAL WORK 
UBRARY SCIENCE 



WHITE 



AT LEAST ONE 
STATE-SUPrWED 
COLLEGE IN AU. 
. \7 STATES 



12 STATES 



WHITE 



4 STATES 



16 STATES 



15 STATES 



H STATES 



9 STATES 



U STATES 



WW* 



tfTATlS 



HOH1 



NKRO 



HOMI 



4STATB 



_ . . ^-— -'* 

T HE SOUTHERN PATRIOT 

There Is No 
Superior Race- 
Only Superior 
Opportunity 

„ 8 „ y scientific «*\^>£ m Z 
NMIO t ted there is no bMis lor 

taft rejection* « Worl War «• 

income South » »» d hite 

racial trait, imagined by . |SMUr or » 
cation. 



HONI 



MONI 



NONI 



ONI 



NMRO 



Droft Rejections Below 
Army Minimum 

intelligence Standards 



Intelligence 



STATt 

ILUNOll 

ruUKHitcm 

men ham 

tHDIAWA 
VAST VMM* 
OWIO 

rtKTWirf 
CAiiro**!*, 

•COM4* 

3KTTH CAAOtM* 

AftKAN*A» 

TtKA* 

MOfim CA*XWA 



n ««fvfr *»***■• 



EXPENDITURE 
PER PERSON 
IN STATE- 
SUPPORTED 
HIGHER AND 
PROFESSION^ 
INSTITUTIONS 



1910 



1945 






The Southern 



PATRIOT 



Thu* Hw *™^Vwv 13% intHod of 



bting 



», C«w* .*»**/*'_ 



~~n7Z^« -» t ~WS»X - *~- 

WrtJasrssr __.- 



Poblbhtd monthly £X« clS«;l5 
.„d AUMJ by The Sju^rn ^^ 
Emotional Fund »W- Fifieen 

Street. N«w Orlewis, i^u.. fi d „ 

cents » «oPV. J-V^Uer October 6, 1946. 

JAMES A. DOMBROW3K1 
Editor 



In International Harvester, UE had to carry on intensive struggles for the hir- 
ing and -upgrading of Negro workers. Although Negroes are to be found in somewhat 
larger numbers as a result of HE struggles in Harvester, the company attempts to ke 

keep Negroes in the lowest-paid and least desirable of occupations. Only 3 percent 
of Negroes are in skilled jobs as compared with 26 percent skilled in the entire 
farm equipment industry* Only one percent of Negroes were in clerical and office 
jobs in an industry where 20 percent of all workers held such jobs, At present 
Harvester is attempting to split Negro-white unity in Harvester by framing the TIE 
Negro leader Harold Ward on a murder charge. 

D ir c ri mination b v the Federal Government 

Whether under Democratic or Republican Administrations, the actions of the exe- 
cutive branch of the government have been in harmony with the discriminatory policies 
of the large corporations. The Federal government establishes a discriminatory 
pattern for the country as a whole. It must be understood that under the Democratic 
Administration bi-partisan policy of appointing corporate executives, whether they 
were Democrats or Republicans to administer the war agencies, both the Democrats and 
Republicans are equally to blame for discrimination in the Federal agencies and in 
companies with war contracts* 

President Truman has a record of good talk and no action. His appointed 
Committee on Civil rights exposed some of the conditions of discrimination, and 
urged, "enactment of a federal Fair Employment Practices Act prohibiting all forms 
of discrimination in private employment, based on race, color, creed, or national 
origin." It. called for educational machinery and legal sanctions for enforcement 
purposes, including fines. 

But his appointee, Charles E.. Wilson, the chairman of the President's Committee, 
was president of General Electric which has resisted the adoption of Fair Employ- 
ment Practices. Charles E. Wilson, as Truman's appointee as Mobilization Director, 
did not combat discrimination rampant on the part of war contractors. 

Reference has already been made to the National Urban League report showing 
gross discrimination against Negroes* in war plants, despite the government's control 
over these plants through its granting of contracts and tax exemptions. In testimony 
before the Senate Labor Subcommittee on FEPC in 1952, Robert C. Goodwin, Executive 
Director of the Office of Defense Manpower of the US, specifically stated that the 
procurement agencies handing out government contracts had full authority to refuse 
discriminating companies contracts unless they -adopt fair employment practises. 

But despite this power of government agencies the situation is even worse in 
plants operated Under direct government supervision, such as Naval Ordnance plants 
and Atomic Energy plants. 

In Aiken, S.C., the locale of the new hydrogen bomb plant, Negro workers are to 
be found, "with minor exceptions, in the lowest labor grades" according to the New 
Y ork Pos t. At the Oak Ridge atomic energy plant very few Negro workers are em- 
ployed in skilled jobs. At one 'of the three towns where workers at the Hanford, 
Washington Atomic Bomb plant live, Negroes are barred after sundown; another refuses 
to permit them to buy in stores and a third bars them entirely. 

The Federal -Government, as the largest employer % in the country, could exert a 
powerful influence on behalf of fair employment practices. But as Mr. A^ Philip 
Randolph, President of the AFL Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, told the Senate 
Subcommittee on FEPC in 1952, the U.S* Government "is one of the best examples of 
racial discrimination in employment." He charged that "few, if any, Negroes can be 
found employed as research workers, economists, lawyers, department and bureau heads., 
or career foreign service workers. " 

When a war service agency was liquidated in 194-6, ten important government de- 
partments refused to acceot permanent civil service employees from that agency who 
happened to be Negroes. The protests of the United Public Workers to the White House 
were ignored. The shameful discrimination against Negro workers in the Bureau of 
Engraving was brought to tmblic attention by the long struggle of the Negro workers 
there and the United Public Workers against it. Negro workers were more than half 
the total number of employees at the Bureau, but received less than one-fourth of 
•jv^ r»i«es. The government officials used the most elaborate trickery to evade 

:" % :*1 service regulations and keep Negroes from skilled jobs to which they were en- 
titled. Only after the UPW brought the conditions of the Negroes to the public's 
attention by leaflets and demonstrations were 17 Negro veterans finally accepted 
by the Bureau as apprentices to Plate Printers at 'skilled jobs currently paying *t>25 
a --"lay. Other instances of discrimination are even now being fought by the UPW. 



-4- 



AVERAGE YEARLY INCOME-1950 
all individuals 

Rovised Table - Includes Form and Kon-fam Bnployment 




T 



U.S. govt, census figures 



WHITE 



NEGRO 



4a 



Q~ 



Overseas, tne Army re we sent ing the U.S. Government acts- as the most discrinana^ 
torV employer. In the Panama Canal Zone, Negro workers get one-fifth the wages of 
whites/and are segregated. From 1946 to 1950 "the mix on raised minimum wages of 
Negrb workers from 12 cents per hour to 30 cents, and gained other improvements* 
For this the union organizer was jailed by the Government, and the union smashed 
by the Government by the denial of passports to mainland union officials and the de- 
nial of visas to local union officers, among other actions. 

T he Economic Position of Negr o Women 

The economic treatment of Negro women is one of the nation* s major scandals. 
Nogro women have to work at the most menial jobs at the lowest rates of pay to sup- 
plement the income of the family. 

While women, generally, have to work to live, this is true to a much greater ex- 
tent of Negro women. More so than white women, married Negro women have to work to 
supplement the pitifully inadequate income of the family. Census figures show that 
the lower the income of the family, the greater the percentage of the wives who 
work. Since Negro men are in the lowest income brackets, more of their wives have 
to work than is true of the families higher up in the income scale. Consequently, 
married Negro women remain in the labor £>rce in much greater proportion than white 

women 41.4 percent of Negro married women to 25.3 percent of white married 

women. 

Similarly, a higher proportion of Negro women with children have to work than 
white women with children. As of March 1950, 20.7 percent of Negro women with 
children under 6 had to work as compared with 11.2 Percent of white women, although 
the husband was present in both cases. The Negro woman is unable to make adequate 
provision for the care of her children when she is at work because the total in- 
come of the family, even with two or more breadwinners, is extremely low. Thus the 
average Negro family with three or more workers had an annual income in 1950 of o 
only V2,556, or ^659 less than the average white family with only one worker. 

Altogether in 1950, 46 out of every hundred Negro women were in the labor force 
as compared to 32 out of every hundred white women. (Current Population Reports) 

The 1940 Census presented the most detailed statistical account of the extreme 
discrimination against women in the character of the jobs in which they were em- 
ployed . 

The discrimination against all women workers was shown by the fact that out of 
451 occupation classifications, three-fourths of all women workers were concentrated 
Xn 23 of the lowest paid job categories* But Negro women's opportunities were even 
more limited. Almost four -fifths of Negro women workers were employed in 5 of the 
lowest paid of the 451 census classifications. These 5 were domestic service, 
(close to one million), unpaid family labor on farms, paid farm laborers, servants 
working outside of private families and teachers. These occupations, other than t 
teaching, are commonly acknowledged as being unpleasant, gruelling occupations. As 
for teaching, it is a notorious fact feat the teachers in the jim-crow southern 
schools are grossly underpaid. 

The current census figures show the same extreme discrimination in the type of 
jobs Negro women are allowed to hold. Three out of every five Negro women workers 
are forced to earn their livelihood as domestic workers in private households or as 
service workers in menial capacities outside the home.. 

A greater percentage of Negro women were employed in clerical, sales and similar 
jobs in 1950 than in 1940 only because the economic status of workers in these un- 
organised occupations had deteriorated greatly and employers hired Negro women at 
low wages to depress even more the wage standards in those jobs. 

The figures quoted above clearly indicate that the bulk of Negro women are ex- 
cluded from the basic sections of American industry and almost entirely from the 
better-paid white collar field. Negro women employed in government service are 
mostly in the low-paid clerk-typist category. 

Current census data show hov; the positcm of Negro women has deteriorated since 
194B. In 1948 the average earnings of Negro women was *>492 a year as against 
*pl,133 for white women and ^2,396 for all men. In 1950, however, the earnings of 
Negro women dropped J to $474 a y&&? while the earningsVof white women dropped to , 
v^,062 a year and average earnings for men rose to &2,570* .(Negi/b. men averaged 
m,471 as sigainst #2,709 fbtr White men in 1950:*) -Tbs .o-ompoTradinff of , two kinds of 
discrimination agaa^sV'Ne gro workers who are wome n" ds^<Sfr^n^fe5r~ the fact t hat the 
average earning s of Ne gro women were bar el y one-sixth th e average earnings of white 
men» 



The Bitter Fruit , of Job Discrimination 

Increasing Poverty for 21 Million Workers 
All Workers Suffer 

In the last six or seven years, with wartime FEPC eliminated, there has been an 
actual decrease in incoit>e of Negro families. As a result of displacement from 
industry and growing unemployment among Negro families and the fact that industry 
has been given free reign to reinstitute discriminatory practices unchecked by 
government action, whatever gains were made under President Roosevelt *s FEPC in 
World War II are rapidly being wiped out* 

A comparison of city income during the period 1945 to ;L949 (U.S. Censu s Bureau 
Current Population Reports) shows that the median income of white families and 
single individuals , increased py V416 whi3.e the median income of non»white families 
and single individuals dropped by ^2B » 

Corresponding figures for 3:950 have not been published. But the figures released 
for all families and single individuals, farm and city combined, show that between 
1945 and 1950 the average real income of white families and single individuals de- 
creased 5.6 percent, and of. non-white families and single individuals 9,0 percent. 
This is according to the BLS Consumers 1 Price Index, which does not show the full 
increase in the cost of living, especially for Negro people who have suffered more 
from rising living costs. 

This increasing poverty among the Negro people must be borne under living con- 
ditions which are already at rock-bottom. According to preliminary reports of 
the 1950 U.S. Census, the median income of white families and single individuals 
in 1949 was ^2,804. For Negro families and individuals, it was spl$217. Shocking 
as these figures are, they do not tell the whole story. The Negro family must use 
*tpl.00 to meet living costs which are higher than the living costs met by white 
families on #2.00. Prices are higher in Negro communities than in other communities 
while at the same time the available products are inferior e Rents in the Negro 
community are far higher for inferior living quarters than t-hose in communities 
available to white workers. Between 1940 and 1950, while rents of white workers 
increased a substantial 6l percent, rents of non-white w orders increased an astound- 
ing 150 percent. (US Housing and Home Finance Agency, Housing of the Uonwhite 
Population. 1940-1950 .) 

These figures also show how the increasing poverty of the Negro people is used 
by employers to drag down the living conditions, of white workers too. Both white 
and Negro families had incomes considerably below the ^4,"120 income* which was required 
according to the US Bureau of Labor Statist.* cs, by a family of four to live at a 
minimum standard of health and decency. 

White workers in the South especially pay heavily for the myth of "white suprem- 
acy. " In 1949, southern white families and single individuals earned v»>638. 00 less 
than northern whites, a 20 percent penalty paid by southern whites because of dis- 
crimination ? gainst Negro workers. 

The runaway shop program of big business aided by «h>23 billion of tax concessions 
by the government, is the direct result of reaction r s success in * preventing 2EEFC. 
The corporations hope to find a cheap source of labor in the South while laying 
off millions of northern workers* The textile workers are glaring victims of this 
cheap source of labor business which has as its base the discrimination against 
Negro people in the South. 

Laws, ordnances, restrictive covenants and the increasing activities of insur- 
ance companies and real estate interests imprison the Negro people^ in such insanl^r 
tary and unfit housing from coast* to coas^. Because much of 'the nation's housing^ 
is unavailable to Negroes, the concentration of population in the areas to which 
they are relegated is almost unbelievable. A. single block in Harlem has a popu- 
lation of 3,871 persons. According to the c Architectural Forum , "at a comparable , 
rate of concentration, the entire population of the United States could be housed" 
in one -half of New York City." 

Even in illness, the Negro people have no relief from the effects of poverty 
and jim-crow. Consistent discrimination in private and public hospitals has re- 
stilted in the Set that only 15,000 hospital teds out of a total of one and one-half 
million are presently available to Negroes — one percent of our hospital beds for 
10 percent of our population. (Report of U.S^ Public Health Service, as quoted in 
"To Secure These Rights.") 

Inequality in education accompanies the Negro youth from first grade to college 
diploma. In the South where educational facilities as a whole are at pitiful levels, 

-6- 



AVERAGE HOURLY EARNINGS IN MANUFACTURING 

BY STATE, DECEMBER 1950 




Avtroge Hourly Earnings 



'1.00 - 1.29 



'1.30 - 1.49 



150 - 1.90 



UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR 
t/mu Of LABOR STATISTICS 



Dota not available for Colorado, District of Columbia, Illinois, Kentucky, 
Maryland, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, Ohio, West Virginia, 



6a 



there is nevertheless a racial differential in teachers* salaries, school terms, n 
number of teachers and condition of school properties ("To Secure These Rights,) 
In the North as well as in the South, institutions of higher learning bar all but 
a token representation of Negro students* 

Denied an opportunity to earn a livelihood 7 deprived of decent housing, education 
r.nd medical facilities* the N«gro people are prevented from securing redress of 
grievances through the basic democratic instrument of the franchise* In the South, 
the poll tax, unusual and extraordinary requirements for vbtteg, white primaries 
and physical violence prevent Negro people from access to the polls. In the North 
gerrymandering denies Negro communities the full benefit of their vote. Together 
with the failure of both the Republican and Democratic parties to nominate Negro 
candidates for political office, this practice has resulted in an absence of Negro 
representation in all levels and branches of government — executive, legislative 
and" judicial. Since 1900, -there have been only five Negro Congressmen and not one 
single Negro Senator. Of the thousands of state legislators only forty Negro men 
were elected to serve in the governing bodies of all""48 states in 1946-47, (Sources 
The Negro Handbook*) Consider the courts, municipal bodies, federal departments, 
the foreign service - and the total picture is one of a people subjected to the 
worst abuses among all the* governed who are shut out of the ranks of the governing. 

The income lost by Negro families through the denial of full economic opportun- 
ity does not remain a monetary differential. Together with the whole fabric of 
discrimination in housing, health, education and political affairs, this money 
differential grows into a- monstrous differential in human life. After 30O years 
of labor in this country, the Negro men have achieved that status of "equality" 
which cuts off their life 7,4 years earlier than their white contemporaries; Negro 
women are robbed of & and one-half years of life in comparison to white women., 
(Census Current Population Reports, Series P-25, No, 43, August 10, 1950*) The 
infant mortality rate among Negro children is twice that of white children* The 
racial differential in death rates took the lives of 24*601 Negro people in 194B — 
peoole who would have lived had they been white, (Statistical Abstract, 1951, 
pages 65,66,68.) 

Dieaase and early death - this is the meaning of job discrimination and -Jim— crow 
for th3 Negro^ people,. 

Who* s , Responsible 

The years have- passed with talk and no results for FEPC — who is responsible? 
Above all, it must be recognized that profits are made from Job discrimination, 
and these economic forces lie behind the fight against FEPC* 

We need only look at the vast wage differential between the North and South 
which is based parijnarily on the concert o£ white supremacy "to justify taking bil- 
lions of hilars from many work^-^* For example, one of the executives -of Macy*s 
cM-^King before the Retail A-^ciation, says that if the Negro workers in America- 
were employed at their f~^ current skills, it would add five billion dollars to 
Americas purchastea' oower. The Steel Corporations in recent steel wage hearings 
yestir-ied it vouid cost five billion dollars to wipe out the Southern differential c - 
Vhis dir.fe^oiutial came about because of the historical exploitation of Negro 
vrorkor** that made unions and high wage levels inef feet ive * and left the South a 
colony of Wall Street and the Southern plantation owners. 

These interests want to maintain their greedy exploitation of the Negro workers / 
and other minority workers at the expense of the life, health and well being of tM 
.;vp. : ^„ They and their political spokesmen in Congress and in the State Legislatures 
:-..';■>:■* ;■: ought against fair practices and other civil rights legislation* They hays 
vsr-- t,;*, South with its terrible history of treatment of Negro workers as the main 
u*>33 of the operation and the main source of their politics! power* / 

The Chamber of* Commerce and" the National Association of Manufacturers have re- 
peatedly opposed FEPC legislation, while the organizations of the people, church 
groups, civil groups, fraternal organizations and labor unions have repeatedly urged'' 
and fought for the passage of FEPC. In some states these pressures of people's or- 
ganizations were able to force enactment of FEPC laws which helped improve the sit- 
uation sufficiently to show what could be accomplished with a strong Federal law 
with the full support of the government e *' 

£et*s have no further illusions that it is just the Dixiecrats who oppose fair 
practice legislation. The big corporations of America do not want fair practice 
legislation and the politicians they control have so far made it impossible. 

There is an unholy alliance between the whole Southern block of" Senators and 

-7- 



Congressmen and Northern Republicans and Democratic spokesmen .for big business, 

and you can spell it out in terms of* dollars for the corporations and human suf- 
fering among the people, black, brown and white. 

If we are to get fair practice legislation ever in our country the truth must 
be told. In the South is a colony of Wall Street and ^ast financial interests 

Today the Morgan interests, through the U.S. Steel Corporation, own the huge 
steel plants in the South, and the captive iron ore mines and captive coal veins 
in Alabama and Tennessee. Morgan interests also control the leading southern 
utility companies, and the Southern Railway Company. 

E.I. DuPont de Nemours has rayon, nylon, plastic, explosives and chemical 
plants throughout the South. 

Through the Standard Oil Company and the Socony Vacuum Company the Rockefeller 
interests operate one of the South* s greatest natural resources — petroleum. 

The huge tobacco industry is a giant monopoly dominated by the six leading 
tobacco companies whose giant southern plants supply the nation with cigarettes % 
the compressing and warehousing of cotton is dominated by the worlds largest mer- 
chandiser of cotton — Anderson, Clayton & Company, whose stock is handled through 
the Morgan banks. Second largest cotton factor in the South is the 'family of South 
Carolina's Senator Maybank. 

The rubber industry, the meatpacking and cottonseed oil crushing industries, 
the pulp and paper mills, are all dominated by northern industrialists. And much of 
the textile industry which has been steadily migrating to the South is now controlled 
by northern firms. 

What has been, the reason for this concentration of the nation's wealth in the 
South? The answer can be found in any government census figure. In 1950, for ex- 
ample, Negro wage earners average m>1,295 while whites averaged sp2,48l. Multiply 
this differential by the 3^- million Negroes in industry and agriculture and the 
staggering total of almost 'wA-it billion in EXTRA profit is the answer. 

Jim-crow statutes of the South were enacted in the late 1890 f s, when the expan- 
sion pressures of the new banking and industrial monopolies found their first great 
outlet in the South c State constitutions disfranchising the Negro were formed, Negroes 
were driven out of local government bodies and the Congress of the United States. 

This was all accomplished through widespread terror and hate propaganda. Negro 
workers, who up until that time constituted most of the skilled labor force of the 
South after the Civil War, were systematically driven out of higher paying jobs and 
kept out of entire industries. 

At the same time, northern bankers took oyer the southern railroads, the cotton 
mills, and the coal, iron, steel and tobacco industries. By 1900 northern investment 
in the South amounted to a billion dollars and in later years these holdings were ex- 
tended to new industries — oil, electric power, rayon and chemicals. 

Yes, the South has been a virtual colony of Wall Street financiers, with the 
Negro workers providing most of th^ colonial labor, but not all, because the white 
workers of the South have been caught in the nutcracker, to o. This has resulted in 
lower rates of pay, poorer health, poorer housing and lack of political franchise 
for whites as well as Negroes. 

In order to maintain' this exploitation and the billions of dollars of profits 
for the vast corporations involved in the exploitation of the South, the Negro people 
are still effectively disfranchised and robbed of a political right to decide these 
questions. Senator Russell, Democrat of Georgia, let the cat out of the bag in the 
Senate Filibuster of March 17, 1949, when he said: 

"The recommendation made by the Commission appointed by 
the President is upon us now. But even if it dealt with 
something 60 or 30 years in the future, so far as I am 
concerned, I would still oppose breaking down the segre- 
gation of the races in the South where we have more than 
200 counties which contain more Negroes than white people, 
where our States have more than two-thirds of all the 
Negro population in the United States. We have a problem. 
Gentlemen from other sections have a theory." (Congress- 
ional Record, p. 2672.) * - 

This brazen, publicly expressed determination to continue disfranchisement is dan- 
gerously undermining American democracy against the best interest of all the peoole 
on behalf of big business through their political representatives in the North and 
in the South. 



* *•■■* 

The Record of Talk and No ,ActiOh on FEPC 

* "While millions of Negro workers and m£norii& g*6u$& are suffering daily from 
jim-erow policies and while the wage s#an£ar£-s of ihk entire country are being 
pulled down, the Truman Administration and £>oth the Democratic and Republican* mem*, 
bers of Congress built up since the end ,p/ World War* II an imposing record of in- ' 
action olothed in brave words and pious pi*ote stations of the need for FEPC legis- 
lation* 

The Republican and Democratic, parties have? blamed each other for the failure 
to enact legislation during th^£ period* but the record proves that both parties . 
engaged in parliamentary trickery,' conniving and programmatic doubletalk to prevent 
the enactment of Compulsory Fair Employment Practices,, 

Yet despite the insincerity of both parties, which was sharply demonstrated 
during the recent conventions when both parties' wooe A the Dixiecrats, to capture 
the so-called "southern" vote, the- question of national FE2?C legislation became a 
major issue in the recent presidential elections because ttae Negro people, and other 
large sections of the American people, were demanding an end to doubletalk and the 
beginning of real action against discriminatory practices* 

In harrying forward this fight for FEPC in 1953, it is 'necessary to examine 
the chicanery used by the white supremaoits industrialists to prevent legislative 
action. The following recapitulation of the sellouts of the past eight years 
should be used to alert the American people to the waapoas employed by the racists 
to defeat the fight for FEPC* 

FEPC During Roosevelt Presidency 

The American people have' not forgotten thitt a President representing the people 
was able to break through the reaction carried iiown from the Reconstruction Period 
and in 1941 by Executive Order set up a Fair Employment Practices Committee against 
discriminatory employment uncter defense and government contract « The FEPC of World 
War II, lacking statutory powers and limited in its enforcement capacity began to 
make progress against job discrimination. To further- implement the first order, 
a. more effective Executive Order was issued by President Roosevelt making it ob- 
ligatory for private industries working on war work not to discriminate on account 
of race or color in the employment of labor* 

As the end of World War II drew nearer, there was a sharp clash between the 
white supremacists who profit .from job discrimination who sought to eliminate FEPC, 
and the real advocates of the American people who fougjit for the enactment by 
Congress of legislation for ermanent and effective Fair Employment Practices. 

1944 Republican- Democratic Promises for FEPC 

Both the Republican and the Democratic Parties i#i the 1944 campaign advocated 
a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee * The 1944 Republican Party platform 
proclaimed, "We pledge the establishment by Federal legislation of a permanent Fair 
Employment Practice Committee." The candidate of the* Republican Party, Gov. Dewey, 
in his speech at Buffalo on October 31, 1944 announced ; "We shall establish the 
Fair Employment Practice Committee as a permanent agency with full legal authority." 

The late President Roosevelt in his speech at Chicago on October 29, 1944 
stated: "Three years ago^ back in 1941, I appointed a Fair Employment Practice 
Committee to prevent discrimination in war industry and government employment. The 
work of that Committee and the results obtained more than justify its creation. 

"I believe the Congress of the United States should by law make the Oommittee 
permanent.'? - 

Killing off Wartime FEPC 

.The first post-war blow at FEPC killed the wartime and anti-discrimination agen- 
cy "by r eliminating its funds in 1946. In the House of Representatives organized by 
the Democrats, the Rules and Appropriations Committee combined in double talk and 
ctpuBle * dealing i>o wi^pe out funds for FEPC* ■ In the Senate with majority leader 
Barkley assisting the opponents of FEPC, a filibuster stalled appropriations for 
FEPC continuation. When the filibuster ended by a compromise appropriation, 26 
Democrats and 18 Republicans voted yes, and 19 Democrats and 7 Republicans voting 
against the compromise appropriations. Then in the secret joint conferences, the 
appropriations - the necessary lifeblood «- for wartime FEPC was killed. 



^9fc* 



» 



1946 ~ Kill i ng the Chavez-Norton FEPC Bill * 

Although Senator Chavez, (D. New Mexico) first introduced his permanent FEPC 
bill on January 6, 1945* it was January 17, 1946 before the measure could be forced 
onto the Senate floor G There followed an 18 day filibuster which killed the Chavez 
FEPC measure* The crucial vote cs>me on the effort to stop the filibuster, which 
failed to receive the .required two**thirds majority with 48 voting for FEPC, against 
the filibuster, and 36 voting "Hc :t against FEPC© Twenty- two Democrats, 25 Repub- 
licans and 1 Progressive joined in a pro-^FEPC vote, while 8 Republicans and 28 
Deraoo*'ats were joined against FEPC to continue the f i*iibuster-» Northern Democratic 
Senators* H?.yden & (.Do Aria*.* Chairman Senate Rule Coram.-* ) pMacfarland, (D* Ariz., now 
SentVi-e majority leader;? Vnh©<aler a (Do Montana), Car va lie, (Do Nov*), McCarran 
(D & Ke7«,) (t Hatch* (Do 3?cw M^xioojj, Gerry, (Do R 3 I,), and C *Mahoney s (Wyoming) sup- 
ported tba p3rov.vir0-o.rcw filibusters* Tlie 8 Republicans who supported the filibuster 
to kill FEPC included Sonaiovs Miii.lSl&an ( Colorado ), White ( Maine ^ Senate majority 
leader 1947^48 ) ff Bridges (Kew Hampshire), Hawkes (New Jersey), Moore (Oklahoma), 
Bushfield (South Dakota),,, Gurney (South Dakota), and Robertson (Wyoming) * 

It is significant,* particularly in view of the 24— hour sessions imposed on 
Taffc—EfortV-sy B5-.il opponents a year later a that Senator Morse (.R* Oregon) unsuccess* 
fully triwd to limit this i'ilibiister by requiring 24-* hour sessions* In so doing 
Senator Morse stated;, "X i'er'i that the Senate should make up its mind to do every- 
thing tliat can ^00 done to break the filibuster* We cannot break it by keeping the 
session .just during banicing hours*" 

In s-pito of this banking hours were kept, the filibuster succeeded, PEPC 
died and the deadly force of Job discrimination continued unabated* 

In t-ho House of Representative s, the Norton Bill to make FEPC permanent failed 
to gai/i the JJ^uye floor as it was bottled up in the Rules Committee by a Republican- 
J)«mo orati c o omb iuat i on o 

i£iL ,~ XI 3 *:L J?i*£?!sl:? ~';H J&'i&EFJ* ?_ T J fffi? g*f ^ FEPC 

!'>:.« 194. 7 C~ £».£■?« 5 a vras bHo first Coxigress controlled by the Republicans since 
19?.,?o A j>.-»i:t<.sora>:r. 'r c-0'3.t*ro.llart Congress had killed war-time FSPCc What was the 
r&c:-rd of •<;]:::•: .i v r^'t)i5c:>ur;': >*o FEPC legislation was passed at this session of Con— 
gr:->sfJo lh~ ii«n:vbs: c-v.ci"Cor , r.o.:.tt e ?e of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare, controlled 
by HopalOlcHus,-, did zi*>l hold hearings until June and 0*uly o This Senate Sub-Com- 
mittee rscori'-ed tbs bill to th:=> f*a!l coreiaittee without recommendation* Chairman 
Doj;n©ll.(Xo iiis^OMr 1 ?)^ and Ell?nd9,r (D* Louisiana) voted against the bill. Ives (R, 
Itfev? York.).. s>r..d Murray (D- Montana) voted for it. Smith (R* New Jersey) felt that 
re7-l?:lo:'i was aftftc-eswy to give the Southern states an opportunity to handle PEPC 
through .scats FI--PC legislation* 

3£one of 16 FEPC bills introduced into the House were reported out by the House 
Committee on Education and Labor* 

In 3.9 4:7 j however, this Republican Congress was able to enact the infamous 
Taft-Hartley logislation, limiting debate at the very outset in the—Senate by hold- 
ing day and nig;-it sessions* We shall see later on, how filibusters' against FEPC 
were treated in routine fashion by both Democrats and Republicans, in such a way as 
to allow the filibusters to prevail* 

1948 - S eco nd Year of Republican Inaction on FEPC 

The Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, by 7 to 5 vot£, reported an 
FEPC bill February 5. In contrast with the effective way in which Republicans' had 
cut off debate on the Taft-Hartley the previous year, the Republican leaders de- 
cided not even to bring the FEPC bill to* floor for action because they feared a 
filibuster by Southern Senators opposed to the measure \ 

In the house, 16 bills on FEPC were introduced and referred t<^ the House Edu- 
cation and Labor Committee. There was no action on any of the bills* It is import- 
ant to note that the Republican -leader pro- tern, Arthur Vandenberg, at this session 
of Congress, sustained a point of order introduced by Southern Senator Russell 
(D. Georgia) during a filibuster on a poll-tax measure* This ruling by Vandenberg 
exempted cloture from motions making it almost impossible to break filibuster* 

/ * ^ 

j \ 

i 



-3XV 



*, 4L 

.^PRoaoorats Again- Fledge Action on yjsrC 



1949 - Republicans and^PEmoorats Again- Fledge Action on? 

The 1949 Congress had a dear mandate from -the Republican and Democratic 
national conventions to enact FEPC* 

The Republican platform stated x "tfhis right of* equal opportunity to work and 
to advance in life should ne^ror be limited, in any individual because of race, re- 
ligion, color or country of origin* We favor the -enactment and just enforcement 
of such federal legislation as may be necessary to maintain this right at all 
times in every part of this Republic •" 

The Democratic platform stated * f *We endorse the right to equal opportunity 
of employment** ♦ " 

1949 «- Betrayal Repeated - FEFC Blocked 

In 1949 a Republican-Democratic combination wiped out prospects for FEPC by 
making the rule of filibuster supreme * 

Early in 1949 the Senate Committee on Sules held hearings on cloture* - the 
question of how to stop filibusters • in reality the question of how to pass FEPC* 
The issue was: Could a filibuster be stopped by a majority vote, by 2/3 vote of the 
Senators present or by the vote of 64 Senators* 2/3 of the total Senate membership* 
In the Rules Committee hearings not a single Northern Democrat appeared on behalf 
of stopping the filibustered so as to pass FEPC* The whip of the Democratic major- 
ity* Senator Myers of Pennsylvania, ran out on his owr. resolution for a. .majority 
vote to stop filibuster and failed to appear on behalf of his own resolution* Lead 
by Democratic Senator Bayden of Arizona* the Rules Committee* Democrats and Repub- 
licans alike* voted 11 to Z against the majority vote to end -fehe filibuster, and 
reported the Hayden-Wherry Resolution requiring a 2/3 vote to stop k cloture * Wyoming 
Senator Hunt joined Southern Senators Stennis of Mississippi and Long of Louisiana 
in pushing for an even more pro-filibuster rule. 

When the cloture issue reached the Senate floor, 29 Democrats and 34 Republi- 
cans joined together to strengthen the jim-crow filibuster and voted in favor of 
the Wherry compromise, which required 64 Senators to stop a filibuster* Only 14 
Democrats and 9 Republicans voted against this flagrant action against majority 
rule and FEPC* 

Among northern Republican, Senators voting against majority rule and FEPC were 
Taft (R»Ohio), Vandenberg (R*Michigan), Vvherry (R*Nebraska), Saltonstall (R* Massa- 
chusetts) • Northern Democratic Senators voting with Republicans were MoCarran 
(D* Nevada), Kerr (D* Oklahoma), Hunt (D* Wyoming), Frear (D» Delaware,) and 
Miller (D* Idaho). 

In 1949 Northern Democrats and Northern Republicans •* key leaders in their 
parties - joined the Southern bloc to create the weapon of minority dictatorship 
required to maintain jim-crow ^ob discrimination* 

In this year, while FEPC was being, blocked by the establishment of minority 
filibuster rule, actual FEPC bills in both the House and the Senate failed to reach 
the floor for debate and vote* 

In the House of Representatives, proposal, of Congressman Marcantonio to elimi- 
nate job discrimination in the legislation setting up 70-group Air Faroe, laid bare 
the bi-partisan sabotage of even this limited Fair Employment Practices proposal* 
Republicans and Democrats alike ^ acted to hide their pro-* jim-crow position by 'de- 
feating the effort of Congressman Powell of New York to gain support of 20 percent 
of the- Souse oa^mbeirar'f or a record" v ote o n th e- Maboantonxo proposal* Although 390 
members of the House had just answered to a roll call^ only~~2T~ supportedr-the -Powell 
request for record vote on this anti- jim-crow issued Only 2 of the 158 Republicans 
who had just answered the roll call failed to" duck Out on this challenge to stand 
up and be counted against jim— crow. Only 24 "of the 231 Democrats present failed to 
run out on this issue* 

"With secrecy thus guaranteed only 4 Republicans and 29 Democrats - together 
with Congressman Marcantonio - supported this limited anti- job discrimination 
measure, while 253 Congressmen voted to maintain jim-crow in setting up the seventy- 
group Air Force* 



oi« 



♦ 



SjffiV.-j ghe Bi-Partisan Sell-Out of &SPC 

1950 was the year of all-out attack ana all-out temporary victory of the bi~ 
.part lean opponents of EEPC • 

The House of Representatives* 19^0 Session opened with an effort to "by-pass 
fry? Rules Committee and bring EEPC upon the floor for a vote* The Speaker of the 
r---.'..-^ v Qers. Raybum (D. Texas), and house majority leader McCormick (D. Mass.), as 
%**?. t-cro main administration powers in the Congress performed a double play to 
l-'XJ 3SPC-> 

The questions posed by Arthur Brock in the Kew York Times of January 26, 195<>> 
liLacriinft. this civil rights betrayal by President Truman's chief representatives: 

"Why the EEPG bill was 'never mentioned* at the White House con- 
ference Monday between the President and the Democratic leaders 
of Congress, though all were aware that a couple of hours after- 
ward Speaker Rayburn, who was present, had sole power to put 
the ESPC on passage or keep it off the floor? 

"Why, despite the fact that Mr* Truman has called vigorously 
for passage of this bill t>y the House at the first favorable op- 
portunity, and his Senate deputies intend to end the Southern 
filibuster against it by cloture if they can, the President does . 
not seem at all annoyed with the Speaker for preventing considera- 
tion of the :BE3?C bill at this same first " favorable opportunity, 
and again at the next? 

t \Tby, if certain Republicans and Democrats on the Rules Committee 
.really favor the legislation, they have not yet availed themselves 
of their power to make a majority in that committee and bring it 
before the Eoubo for action which they could do any time 3 of If 
Republican members - Representatives Allen, Brown, Wadsworth and 
• Herter •«- and h of the 8 Northern Democratic members Sabath, 
" Hadden- McSweeney and- Delaney - vote in favor of such a resolu- 
tion?"' 

j£rcok concluded that Congressman Marcantonio was right when he told the House 
after the events of January 23: 'teveryboay wants Civil Rights as an issue but not 
as a law and that goes for Harry, Truman, the Democratic Party and the Republican 

Perrty„' : 

When finally the House. JEBC bill came to a vote the effective legislation pro- 
posed was scuttled by a vote of 221 to 178 in favor of the ineffective and toothless 
substitute proposed 'by Republican Congressman McConnell. 117 Democrats .and 101*. 
Republicans joined together against 128 Democrats, k9 Republicans and one American 
jfi€Lbo:r in favor of the meaningless McConnell legislation. 

In the Senate the minority rule weapon forged against ESPC in 19^9 wus used by 
y;&£,oblicane and Democrats alike to stop progress on 3EPC legislation* On May 19, 
193°> 26 Democrats and 6 Republicans imposed their minority dictatorship by voting" 
v,o ooyrhinue the filibuster against the efforts to take up EEPC legislation. In 
react,, 9 Democrats and 3 Republicans recorded as absent on this vote, in effect, 
under the Wherry rules, were counted in favor of the filibuster. 

The flagrant bi-partisan betrayal had now reached such obvious proportions that 
even Walter White, the mild executive secretary of the National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People, in an addreB^ to -the NAACP-convention in Boston, w^S 
brought? i;o attack "the more subtle politicians who -clothed themselves in robes of 
rexn/sot ability, ©mile unctuously at those they are about to doublecross, and then 
piously campaign for reelection on the ground they were prevented from keeping 
their promises by those pesky Dixiecrats." Mr. White continued, "I have in mind 
such men as Mr. Taft of Ohio, who wrote the 19^8 Republican Party platform, promis- 
ing unequivocal support of a federal 3<EPC. But a year later he proposed a tooth- 
less measure without enforcement powers* I have in mind Majority le ad er of the 
Senate, Mr. Lucas ot Illinois, who approached the Senate fight for 3ESFC with quaking 
knee and quavering voice, much as one would march to the electric chair." 

A short time later the minority dictatorship set up to maintain Jim-crow 30b 
discrimination, again asserted its power, as 27 Democrats and 6 Republicans to- 
gether with 5 absentee Democrats and 3 absentee Republicans killed the latest ef- 
fort to date to bring 5EPC to the Senate floor where an overwhelming majority vote 
supported itja-pasaage. 

i 



* 



19*51 - Despite Promises T A Complete Blank for lEEPC 

Although "bills providing for federal 3EPC were early introduced in both the 
Senate and the House of the 82nd Congress , no hearings -whatsoever vere even schedul- 
ed* Although EEPC legislation (S-551) was referred to the Sub -Committee on Labor 
and Labor Management Relations, chaired "by Senator Hubert Humphrey (D. Minn. ) on 
January 15, 1951, the year passed with absolutely no committee action. The record 
of the House was the same. 

1952 - Again ISo Action on ffEPC 

Ho action on EEPC occurred in the House of Representatives during the entire 
year. In the Senate it was not until the very end of the second session of the 
82nd Congress that hearings began on SEPC, and it was obvious that starting hearings 
as late as April precluded the possibility of any action on the measure. The hear- 
ings, instituted for the sole purpose of serving the election campaigns, concluded 
with a committee report issued in June. In this report, great concessions- 'were 
given to the "States Rightists," yet these modest proposals were rejected by two 
leading Republican members of the Committee — Senators Tafb and Uixon, who issued 
a minority statement. 

Republicans and Democrats , Share- Responsibility f or JSBPC Betrayal 

During all the years of failure to get results for EEPC, Southern Congressmen 
and Senators made up only twenty-five percent of the Congress. During all these 
years 75 percent in the Republican and Democratic Parties were pledged to a feder- 
al EBPC. Yet, in spite of these Party vows, neither House of the Congress, whether 
organized by the Democratic Party or by the Republican Party, passed ,an effective 
ESPC measure, This could only come about because in the non-southern 75 percent 
of the House and Senate membership, organized in the Republican and Democratic 
caucuses of the Congress, there was betrayal and sell-out on EEPC. 

During all these years as the year-by-year record demonstrates, neither the 
Republican Party nor the Democratic Party engaged in any real fight to live up to 
its FETO promises. The regularly used methods of assuring party regularity on 
tests of party policy were never applied. The southern-white - supremacy-ant i-EEPC 
forces have retained their full" patronage influence as have all of the northern 
Republicans, regardless of their violation of their publicly announced party policy 
on civil rights. 

Close examination of the crucial test debates and votes on KEPC and on the 
filibuster issue in the Senate show that at every stage key responsibile Republicans 
voted with the southern bloc in sufficient numbers to assure failure of EEPC . A 
name by name analysis of* those who spoke and voted against EEJPC on the cloture 
measure required for its passage reveals the tie-up of key Republicans against KEPC . 
It is notable, for example,* that Senator Robert Taft, Chairman of the Republican 
Policy Committee in the Senate, now campaigns for office on a platform of opposi- 
tion to an effective "EEPC. The Senate resolution assuring that a minority fili- 
buster would be free to block EEPC was introduced by the late Republican leader, 
Senator Wherry. When the Republicans had a majority in both the Senate and the 
House in 19*1-7 and 1948 no vote on EEPC in either House was even sought. In 195° 
the entire leadership and the bulk of the Republican membership of the House joined 
together to stop an effective EEPC through the thin disguise of a toothless, in- 
effective substitute proposed by the Republican Party 1 s leader on the House Labor 
fc Committee, Congressman McConnell, strongly supported by the Minority leader Con- 
gressman Joe Martin* 

The record of the years of failure on !F?EPC similarly shows that key northern 
Democratic Senators and Congressmen have betrayed their Party 1 s public promises on 
EEPC and made common cause with the white supremacy bloc of the Democratic Party, 
Virtually without exception, the leadership of the Democratic Party in the Congress 
has, as a price of election, satisfied the southern party bloc that it would have 
nothing to fear from such leadership on the question of civil rights. The northern 
Senator Mclarland of^ Arizona was elected: Senate Majority Leader and stands before 
the country with the full prestige of the Democratic Party in the Senate because 
with regularity he has voted and supported the anti-SEPC forces of his own party. 
In the House of Representatives the southern Democratic Congressmen have unanimous- 
ly elected Jim-crow, anti-EEPC Congressman Rayburn of Texas to the powerful position 
of Speaker of the House. Regularly the northern Democratic Congressmen and Senators 
have rubber-stamped the undemocratic and reactionary unqualif led seniority szules of 
organization of Congressional Committees which preserve the powerful grip of the 
southern a^td^i^l Rights 0ongressmen and Senators on the decisive committee chair- 
manships-* 



¥ 



• v. Even Congressmen and Senators who most openly toast of their sympathy and ad- 
vocacy of civil rights have pulled theii* punches in the clinches, appeased the 
white supremacists and compromised with issues of civil rights when the Cards were 
actually" laid on the table „ 

WhSXa much that occurs results from "behind the scenes" activities and there 
is an almost boundless opportunity for disguise and concealment which ariees through 
the complications of parliamentary processes, the available record when carefully 
analysed proves beyond a shadow of doubt that both the i*«m«6lrnI>eiK>orat© and the 
northern Republicans share the responsibility for the failure to enact FSPC . It is 
not true that a 25 percent minority controls the Congress — it is rather true that 
a 25 percent minority, together with a significant and necessary proportion of the 
remainder of the Congress , combine to defeat the will of the majority of the people 
for S&PC. 

The Presidential Elect io ns o f 195.2 

At the presidential conventions in July, both major parties retreated from 
previous platform positions on civil rights with neither party specifically en- 
dorsing National Compulsory FEPC . The Bepublican platform favored: 

'^Enacting Federal legislation to further Just and equitable 
treatment in the area of discriminatory employment practices* 
Federal action should not duplicate state efforts to end such 
"practices, should not set up another huge bureaucracy." 

Senator Wayne Morse called the Kepublican civil rights plank "a retreat on 
human rights since the time of Abraham Lincoln ♦*♦♦ it is a great disappointment ^ 
that the plank*... is such a weasel-worded compromising document of double talk. 

The Democratic platform which also did not specifically endorse Federal Com- 
pulsory FEPC stated: 

"We will continue our efforts to eradicate discrimination.*.* 
We know this talk requires action,. . .the cooperative efforts 
of individual citizens and action by State and local govern- 
ments.**. It also requires Federal action." 

The Democratic capitulation to the Dixiecrats in the selection of Sparlsnan 
as Vice Presidential candidate drew bitter opposition from Hegro leaders such as 
Congressman Powell, and from Slegi'O organisations* These leaders were expressing 
the revulsion of the Kegro people to this subservience to the white supremacists, 
and the question of FSSPC became a major issue as the campaigns developed because 
the TTegro people 'were demanding action and not weasels-wording to end discrimination. 

Governor Stevenson, who had originally opposed Federal SEPC, cognizant of this 
pressure, reversed his 'earlier Btand and came out for Federal BSJPC . Eisenhower* 
however, eontlaoaed. to woo the Diriecrats with "States Eights" talk, but tried to 
curry favor with X^egro leaders through such empty gestures as campaign breakfasts 
in Harlem* 

There is no doubt that the election of General Eisenhower was achieved in the 
main by his alliance with the white supremacist X^ixiecrats* This coalition repre- 
sents a real, dsngwr to the Kegro people * The Hegro people are now confronted with 
a national administration pledged to "States Bights." 



The fight for compulsory FEPC takes on new meaning in this changed situation. 




for 3obs for tfegro "workers coined with the fight for the TTegro peopled rigbt-to~ 
vote is the only vay to beat back the dangerous coalition thst put j3iso;?ho-$rer in 
the White House and confronts the American people with a Bepublican Congress. 



-rOAr 



Summary 

The economic facts set forth above- reveal in all their grl™»" «» °°*^°!£ 
n-p +tie Keero neoole. Not only have the Negro people fallen behind white war leers in 
the race to inKeends let, but the Negro peopLe have actually suffered a decline in 
SriTSoSLrSd their place in industry since 1944. . Negr o -omen have gen forced 
into the lowest part of the economic scale with especially sub-standard living con 
dftions . 

We have shown that the failure to eliminate jira-crow in industry has been a key 
factor\nTgr5ng\lso the conditions of white worker ?• flower than average white 
incomes in the South, the runaway shop movement may be laid directly to tne floor 01 
economic 3i m "" crow » 

The record shows that whether under Democratic or Republican Administrations in , 
Washington, the Federal Government has maintained jim-crow conditions of work in the 
Federal agencies, setting a pattern of discrimination for the country as a whole 
Whether ynder Democratic or Republican Congresses, the issue Of i'EPo has been «» 
used to get votes, bub to be sold out time and again on the floor of Congress. Back 
of the political betrayals stand the rulers of industry who gain billions 01 dollars 
in extra profits from jim-crow. 

The presidential elections demonstrated clearly «»* «» American people are de- 
manding a Federal FSPC with teeth now. It is also clear that reaction will once 
again attempt to defeat the will of the people. 

The placing of this story of, "The Truth About the FEPC Fight" in "the ha» d s ** 
the American Stple, will give great leverage in the mobilisation of J***™^ - 
against the intrenched x orles -of -g^d ?V* ;tb~ aXto-l^tic- -o£ ^<^^i^^^-^^^ 



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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60 3 24UCBAW/3B/CHW 



IN DEFENSE OF 



NEGRO 
LEADERSHIP 



The time has come to halt the growing attacks upon Negro 
leaders! 

We, the undersigned Negro Americans, call upon our people- 
everywhere tospeak up in defense of all those Negro leaders 
being persecuted because they fight hard for our democratic 
rights. 

We call upon the officers of federal, state and local govern- 
ments to discharge their public trust by protecting the demo- 
cratic rights of our le aders and the whole Negro people. 



r^ 




©EORGS W. 
CROCKETT, JR, 



BASS. CHARLOTT A— former publisher of CALIFORNIA 
EAGLE; President of National Council of Sojourners for 
Truth and Justice; Progressive Party candidate for Vice 
President of the U.S.; leader in peace movement; denied 
passport rights for travel abroad. 

BETHUNE, DR. MARY McLEOD— founder of Bethune- 
Cookman College; President of National Council of Negro 
Women; formsr executive in National Youth Administra- 
tion; leader in many civic enterprises; called "subversive" 
by Un-American Activities Committee, barred from 
speaking in hicjh school of Englewood, N. J. 

BROWN. DR. CHARLOTTE HAWKINS— President of 

Palmer Memorial Institute; eminent civic leader; called 
"subversive'* by Un-American Activities Committee. 
CAREATHERS. BENJAMIN— former organizer for CIO 
steel union; leader of unemployed movement durin g'— 
1930's; community leader of Communist Party in Pit^fl 
burgh, Pa.; indicted under Smith Act. ^M 

CROCKETT. GEORGE W„ JR.— outstanding Detroit o^?S 
torney; former Chairman of F.E.P.C. Committee of 
United Automobile Workers-CIO; defense counsel in trial 
of national Communist leaders; cited by Judge for "eon- 
tempt of court" fox_b8Jng^_l , tpo__ze,aJ-ous" in defense^.of.-_ 
clients; served 5-months term in prison. 

DAVIS. BENJAMIN J.. JR.— son of renowned Repub- 
lican leader of Georgia; defense lawyer in Herndon and 
other Negro-rights cases, twice elected to New York Citj 
Council; member National Committee of Communf 
Party and publisher of DAILY WORKER; convicted und' 
Smith Act, serving S-year prison term. 



nd 
itf^k. 



DU BOIS, DR. W. E. B. — world renowned scholar, author, 
lecturer, educator; Co-Chairman of Council on African 
Affairs and of American Peace Crusade; prosacuted as 
"foreign agent" at age 83, acquitted; denied passport 
rights for travel abroad. 

FINGAL, DR. W. A.— President of N.A.A.C.P. in Cairo. 
III.; arrested with others for encouraging parents to enroll 
children in "white" school which courts had declared 
must be opened to Negro pupils. 

GILBERT. LT. LEON— serving with U.S. Army in Korea; 
charged with "disobeying orders of a superior officer"; 
sentenced to death by all-white court martial, later com- 
muted to 20 years at hard labor and loss of all Army 
rights and privileges. 

HANNIBAL. J. J. — Chairman of Citizen's Committee 
fighting for non-segregated schools in Kinston, N. C; re-, 
ceived anonymous threats of death, her home guarded Jfl 
Negro neighbors. ^M 

HILL, REV. CHARLES A. — outstanding minister and civ^ 
leader in Detroit; called before Un-American Activities 
Committee and subjected to insult and abuse as a "sub- 
versive"; one son threatened with loss of commission as 
Captain in Air Corps and another son with loss of job 
at U.S. arsanal because of father's public activities. 
HOOD. WILLIAM R.— officer of United Automobile 
Workers-CIO; Chairman of National Negro Labor Coun- 
cil; call ;d before Un-American Activities Committee and 
subjected to abuse and slander as a "subversive " J 

HUGHES. LANGSTON— eminent poet of the Negro . 
pie, his works hailed throughout the world; barred fr< 






RECENT VICTIMS OF ATTACKS 

appearances before university and other audiences on 
grounds of "subversive activities." 

HUNTON. DR. W. ALPHAEUS— for many years on faculty 
of Howard University; Executive Secretary of Council on 
African Affairs; former Trustee of Civil Rights Bail Fund; 
cited for "contempt of court" because he refused to re- 
veal names of several thousand contributors to Bail Fund; 
served 5 months in prison. 

JACKSON, JAMES E.. JR. — founder of Southern Negro 
Youth Congress; former organizer of tobacco workers 
union; World War II veteran; alternate member of 
National Committee of Communist Party and Southern 
Reqional Director; indicted under Smith Act, now a 
political refuges. 

JASON, WILLIAM C, JR.— postal, employee in Philadel- 
phia; Chairman of Welfare Committee of National Alli- 
ance of Postal Employees; along with other postal em- 
ployees, threatened again yittv-loss*of*job unless they can 
provs loyalty, even though cleared of "subversive" charges 
some time ago by Loyalty Review Board. 

JONES. CLAUDIA— came to U.S. from Trinidad. B.W.I .. 
at age of 9; former leader in Young Communist League; 
member of National Committee of Cor— raunisfr— Pa rty and— 
Secretary of National Women's Commission; denied citi- 
zenship on political grounds; now on trial under Smith 
Act. 

McCRAY. JOHN— editor of LIGHTHOUSE AND IN- 
FORMER; leader of rigkf-tQ-x gte m ovement in South 
Carolina; fighter for election of "FfregToes to public office; 
arrested and imprisoned on a technical frame-up charge. 



LET US UNITE IN MILITANT DI 



The "Subversive" Label 

Things have reached such a state in our country that almost any 
Negro Jeader who dares to fight hard for Negro rights is headed for 
trouble with the law, with "public opinion," or with hoodlum 
Assassins. 

Hundreds of our most devoted and militant leaders are now being 
pilloried in the daily press, or barred from speaking in public halls, 
or arrested and beaten by the police for alleged "disorderly conduct" 
or some other trumped-up charge. They are being prosecuted in the 
courts, or "investigated" by the Un-American Activities Committee, 
or hounded by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Some have been 
forced to leave the country; others are barred from travel abroad; 
and more than a few have been murdered with impunity by hate- 
crazed enemies of Negrojfreedom. 

No matter whether these leaders are Communists, non-Commu- 
nist or anti-Communist, the "explanation" is most always the same. 
They are 'labeled^ "subversive" or "communistic," or "undesirable 
aliens," or "dangerous trouble-makers." 

First, the Communists — Then . . . 

Negro leaders active in the Communist Party are singled out for 
special persecution; but the attacks extend far beyond the Commu- 
nists. 

Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., member of the National Committee of the 
Communist Party and twice elected to the City Council of New- 
York, is confined in a federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana, and 
denied even the right to correspond with his friends. 

Harry T. Moore, Florida State Co-ordinator of the National Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Colored People — together with his 
wife, Mrs. Harriet Moore — is DEAD. 

Mr. Davis, long a powerful fighter for Negro rights on many 
fronts, was convicted for alleged violation of the Smith Act. His 
"crime" was "conspiracy to teach and advocate" the theoretical prin- 
ciples of the Communist Party. Mr. Moore, militant leader in the 
Negro's fight for the right to vote and for decent schools, was killed 
by the bomb of unknown assassins. Ku KLlux Klan leader William 
Hendrix "explained" that the N.A.A.C.P. leader got "involved in a 
communistic crowd" 

Communist leader Ben Davis and N.A.A.C.P. leader Harry Moore 
are symbolic of the widespread attacks now being directed against 
-,-milkant— Negro leaders of all shades of opinion. 

Just Think of It! 

• To be charged by the Un-American Activities Committee with 
associating with so-called "subversive organizations" leads to the 
barring from a New Jersey high school of one of the most emi- 
nent educators and civic leaders of the United States, Mrs. Mary 
McLeod Bethune. 



• To write and speak for Negro rights and for peace brings prose- 
cution as a "foreign agent" and denial of passport rights to one of 
the greatest scholars this country ever produced, the 84-year-old 
Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois. 

• To argue vigorously in Federal Court against conviction of his 
clients, Communist leaders indicted under the Smith Act, brings 
a "contempt" citation and six months in prison to an outstanding 
Detroit attorney, George W. Crockett, Jr. 

• To fight against segregated schools brings arrests for N.A.A.C.P. 
President Dr. W. A. Fingal and other leaders in Cairo, Illinois, 
and threats of death to Mrs. J. J. Hannibal, in Kingston, North 
Carolina. 

• To lead the fight for the lives of Willie MeGee, the "Martinsville 
Seven," the Trenton Six" and Other" victims o£~ J inT Crow f rame- 
ups brings two trials for alleged "contempt of Congress" for the 
Executive Secretary of the Civil Rights Congress, William L. 
Patterson — the charge growing out of- a hearing at which Georgia's 
Representative Lanham called the C.R.C. leader a "G — d black 
s.o.b.," and tried to attack him physically. 

• To support a Negro veteran moving into a lily-white neighbor- 
hood in Cicero, Illinois, brings mob destruction of the apartment 
house and police arrests for N.A.A.C.P. Attorney George "Leighton 
and other leaders — for "conspiracy to lower property values"! 

• To become an active leader of the Progressive Party brings dis- 
charge from his position to a professor of philosophy at the Uni- 
versity of Minnesota, Dr. Forrest O. Wiggins. 

• To fight hard for Negro rights, African freedom and peace brings 
public abuse, barring from concert halls and denial of the right to 
travel abroad to the great people's artist, Paul Robeson. 

These are just a few examples of the mounting drive against hun- 
dreds of Negro leaders who defy the Jim Crow policies of our 
country and fight hard for the full citizenship rights of our people. 
There will be many hundreds more unless we put a stop — RIGHT 
NOW — to this unjust persecution of Negro leadership. 

Real Target — The Whole Negro People 

These growing attacks against Negro leaders are really directed 
against Negro citizens as a whole. They are designed to frighten off 
our leaders and curb ttje mounting struggles of the masses of our 
people against the rising tide of "white supremacy" during these 
years of war hysteria — especially since our country has been waging 
war against the colored peoples of China and Korea, and helping 
imperialist governments suppress the liberation struggles of other 
colored peoples in Asia and Africa. 

For every Negro leader attacked there are thousands of rank and 
file Negro citizens beaten or killed by the police, "lynched" in the 
courts on frame-up charges, bombed in their homes, denied the right 



WE DEMAND AN END TO THE PERSECU 



(PARTIAL LIST 1 



Rev. Edward D. McGowan, N. Y. 
Mrs. Ada B. Jackson, N. Y. 
Bishop Cameron C. Alleyne. Pa. 
Sishop Reverdy G. Ransom, Ohio 
Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, D.C. 
Rev. Charles A. Hill, Mich. 
Atty. George A. Parker, D.C. 
Rev. Joseph M. Evans, .III. 
Mr. Joseph Johnson, Jr Cal. 
Mrs. Andrew W. Simkins, S.C. 



Mr. G. L. Porter, III. 

Archbishop David William Short. Jo wa 

P.y=v\r-=>-r-Hfaiiry Patfen7 Pa. 

Mr. Carlton Moss, Cal. 

Dr. Carlton B. Goodlet, Cal. 

Mr. Owen Middleton, N. Y. 

Mr. Lee Morgan, Ohio 

Mr. Bernard Lucas, Ohio 

Dr. Ralph F. Hanley, Ind. 



Mr. Detghton Osborne, N. Y. ^ 
hir. i«o»i Eeveri'y, " l*lf. "" " " 
Mr. Doxey A. Wrlkerson, N. Y. 
Mr. Ewart Guinier, N. Y. 
Prof. H. D. Smith, S. C. 
Prof. G. Murray Branch, Ga. 
Miss Viola M. Brown, N. C. 
Mr. Larkin Marshall, Ga. 
Mr. Louis E. Burnham, N. Y. 



■■ M.-j. Esther Cs 

Mr. Richard C, 
Dr. W. Alphaei 
Mr. William L. 
Mr. Coleman A 
Rev. O. B. Smitt 
Mr. Charles Col 
Mr. Joseph Ban 
Mr.'James Mai 



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Our Appeal 



We, whose names appear on the preceding page, speak as loyal 5. Restore the passport rights of Mrs. Charlotta Bass, E>r. W. E. B. 

American citizens who are eager to protect and strengthen the Du Bois, Paul Robeson and all other Negro citizens now barred 

democratic principles ? and practices of the United States — for all from travel abroad solely because of their militant fight for Negro 

people, regardless of race, creed, national origin or political belief. rights and for peace. 



We also speak as Negro Americans; and we especially insist upon 
the exercise of full democratic rights by the Negro citizens of our 
country. We will always insist upon this right. We will not be 
silenced by the epithets "subversive," or "communistic," or "trouble- 
maker," or anything else. 

We are genuinely alarmed at the mounting wave of attacks upon 
Negro leadership throughout our country; for we well understand 
the serious threat which these attacks pose for the liberties of our 
people as a whole. 

We a ppeal to Negro Americans everywhere, regardless of political 



belief or affiliation, to unite in a sustained campaign of struggle to 
halt the increasing persecution of Negro, leaders." ; - . , - 

Specifically, we call for support in pressing the following 
demands upon the leaders of federal, state and local gov- 
ernments : 

1. Stop hounding and persecuting Negro leaders who speak up and 
.fight hard for Negro democratic rights. 

2. Appoint a representative Citizens Committee to investigate the 
murder of Mr. and Mrs. Harry T. Moore, of Mims, Florida, and 
to recommend whatever steps are necessary to assure the arrest 
and prosecution of their assassins. 

3. Make the Department of Justice and the Un-American Activities 
Committee investigate and prosecute vigorously all those individ- 
uals, organized groups, publications and agencies of government 
that seek actively to abridge or destroy the democratic rights of 
Negro citizens. 

4. Grand amnesty to Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., Henry Winston and 
their associates; and stop all prosecution for political teaching and 
advocacy under the Smith Act. 



6. Enact fair employment practice legislation, with effective enforce- 
ment provisions. Pass similar FEPC measures in all state legisla- 
tures and city councils. 

7. Take all necessary executive and legislative steps to guarantee 
equal democratic rights to Negro citizens in voting, in appoint- 
ment and election to public office, in the courts, in public educa- 
tion, in public health and housing, in the armed forces, and in 
freedom from physical attack and lynch terror. 

8. Pass Representative Adolph Sabath's Bill to Repeal the Smith 
Act. (H.R. 7493). Repeal all other repressive legislation, espe- 
ciallycthe severe -restrictions on in^migratipn,frorn i ^the;\W ; est,lndies '. 
in:the McGarrah^Walter ^Kcz^ the -anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, and 
the thought-control and concentration camp McCarran Act. 

More than a century ago, in 1829, the militant abolitionist leader, 
David Walker, addressed his famous Appeal . . . to the Colored 
Citizens of the World, but in particular, and very expressly, to those 
in the United States of America. He admonished our forefathers: 
"Never make an attempt to gain our freedom or natural rights from 
under our cruel oppressors and murderers, until you see your way 
clear— WHEN THAT HOUR ARRIVES AND YOU MOVE, BE 
NOT AFRAID OR DISMAYED; for be you assured that Jesus 
Christ the King of heaven and of earth who is the God of Justice 
and of armies, will surely go before you." 

We have come a long way since the days when David Walker 
called upon our people to struggle against "those enemies who have 
for hundreds of years stolen our rights''; but the path to our freedom 
still lies ahead through struggle. AND WE SEE OUR WAY 
CLEAR, THE HOUR IS HERE WHEN WE HAVE GOT TO 
MOVE! 



We appeal to Negro organizations and individuals throughout the country to speak n.p 
against the persecution of our leaders. We call upon all friends of the Negro people to sup- 
port our demands. 



(Please detach, fill out. and mail promptly.) 



NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO DEFEND NEGRO. LEADERSHIP 

1660 Fulton Street • Room 21 • Brooklyn 13, New York (Phone: PResident 8-2*057) 

Dear Sirs: 

As a Negro American who believes in democracy, I am in full agreement with your "Appeal in Defense of Negro 
Leadership." I wish to cooperate with the Committee's work in the following ways: (Check one or more of the following) 

„„: I. Please list me as an endorser of the "Appeal." ^ _ ^ Name-(P.RINT}...,^.,...^.:.. ^ .t..„_ :..~:^l.Z — .7. ..^^.^ 

-rr..^.2. Please list me as a member of the National Committee. Address — _ - ~~.^.„.._ 

..3. I enclose $ to help finance the Committee's work. Post Office _ ,„ ::::: _ :::: ..„ t ...... 

" j , -''Sponsored by ~- ' 

NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO DEFEND NEGRO LEADERSHIP 

1660 Fulton Street, Brooklyn 13, N. Y. _._ \ 

r ~ 3 - -——:^: L 



AGAINST NEGRO LEADERSHIP 

McPHAUL, ARTHUR— Executive Secretary of the Detroit 
Civil Rights Congress; called before Un-American Activi- 
ties Committee and subjected to abuse and slander as a 
"subversive," cited for alleged "contempt of Congress." 

MOORE. HARRY T. — Florida State Coordinator of 
N.A.A.C.P.; leader in the fight for the vote and for 
decent schools; murdered, along with his wife, Mrs. Har- 
riet Moore, by the bomb of assassins still at large. 

PATTERSON, WILLIAM L.— National Executive Secretary 
of the Civil Rights Congress; key leader in many cam- 
paigns for Negro rights; initiator of the U.N, petition, 
WE CHARGE GENOCIDE!; called "subversive" by Un- 
American Activities Committee; twice tried (and ac- 
quitted) for "contempt cf Congress"; calted a *'© d 

black s.o.b." by Representative Lanham, of Georgia, who 
tried to attack him physically at a Congressional hearing. 

PERRY, PETTIS— corrVmUnify-leapJer in Los Angeles, Calif.; 
received 65,000 votes in 1938 as candidate for State 
Equalization Board; candidate for Congress in 1940; 
member of National ._ Committee of Communist Party," 
Secretary of National Negro Commission, and Chair- 
i"«n of National Farm Commission; now on trial under 
p* jiiiirh Act. " t ; ~ ——^- — — - — ■^— — -* 

ROBESON, PAUL — world renowned actor and singer; Co- 
Chairman of the Council on African Affairs; leader of 
the world peace movement; militant fighter for Negro 
rights and for freedom of_coJpnial peoples; calhd "sub- 
versive" by the Un-*American Activities Committee; pil- 
loried in the press; barred from leading concert halls in 



the U.S.; denied passport rights to travel abroad by the 
U.S. State Department because "he has baen extremely 
active in behalf of Independence of the colonial peoples 
of Africa. ..." 

ROBINSON, THERESA — former public school teacher in 
Washington, D. C, and head of Women's Civil Rights 
Division. Improved Benevolent Protective Order of Elks 
of the World; active in the world peace movement; called 
"subversive" by the Un-American Activities Committee; 
denied passport right to travel abroad; hounded to 
death by attacks on her "loyalty.' 

SIMMONS, LE B RON— outstanding attorney and civic 
leader in Detroit; active in many struggles for Negro 
rights; called before the Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee and subjected to abuse and slander as a "subver- 
sive." 

AlTH. FERDINAND C— native of Trinidad, B.W.I.; for- 
W^Kc National Secretary of the National Maritime Union- 
*CilO; a founder of the National Negro Labor Council; 

deported as an "undesirable alien." 

SMITH, MORANDA— South Atlantic Regional Director of 
CIO Food jand Tobacco. Workers; militant leader of strike^ 
against Reynolds Tobacco Co. (Camels cigarettes) in 
Winston-Salem, N. C; called "subversive," pilloried in 
the press, threatened by Ku Klux Klan Just three days be- 
f fo re she died of a stroke. 

^^YLOR, PAULINE— civic leader in Youngstown. Ohio; 
^■tive in the peace movement; denied passport rights 
flor travel abroad on grounds of "subversive activities." 



WALLS, BISHOP W. J.— eminent leader of the A.M.E. 
Zion Church; active in the peace movement; called "sub- 
versive" by the Un-American Activities Committee. 
HAROLD- WARD— Financial Secretary, Local 108, U.E.; 
Farm Equipment Workers Union; indicted for alleged 
murder of strikebreaker, in chain of strikebreaking 
moves by International Harvester, only evidence being 
testimony of "mystery" witness. 

WARD. ROOSEVELT— national leader of ihe Labor Youth 
League, residing temporarily in New York; active in the 
fight for Negro rights and for peace; charged with tech- 
nical failure to notify his New Orleans, La. draft board of 
change of address, convicted and sentenced to prison— 
although Government officials admit they were continually 
aware of his public activities anr! whereabouts. 
WIGGINS. DR. FORRES! O.— foimerly on the faculty of 
toward University; teacher of philosophy ah Minnesota 
diversity; finsd because of his activities as a leader of 
e Progressive Party. 
WINSTON. HENRY— former leader of Young Communist 
League; World War II veteran, cited for "conspicuously 
meritorious and outstanding performance of military 

_du ty^; -mflmb'f-NatiflnaL-CommitiP" af. £^fimrr U| ri;-st,,.p i arty__ 

and National Organizational Secretary; convicted under 
Smith Act, now a political refugee. 

YOUNG, A. COLEMAN — outstanding labor leader in - 
Detroit; Executive Secretary of the National Negro Labor 
Council; called before the Un-American Activities Com- 
nittee and subjected to slander and abuse as a "sub- 
' versive." 



FENSE OF NEGRO LEADERSHIP ! 



to vote, and forced into poverty by Increasing job discrimination. 
Moreover, it is no accident that those Negro leaders singled out for 
attack are precisely the ones who fight hardest to establish the dig- 
nity and full citizenship of the masses of our people. 

These efforts to intimidate and isolate militant Negro leaders are 
part and parcel of a growing campaign to suppress the whole broad 
struggle for Negro rights — to "keep the Negro in his place." 

WE HERE DECLARE TO ALL ENEMIES OF NEGRO FREE- 
DOM — WHETHER THEY BE OUTLAW HOODLUMS OR 
OFFICIALS OF GOVERNMENT: SIRS, YOUR EFFORTS WILL 
FAIL! THE NEGRO PEOPLE WILL KEEP ON FIGHTING FOR 
THEIR RIGHTS, EVER MORE POWERFULLY, UNTIL THE 
VERY LAST VESTIGE OF JIM CROW OPPRESSION HAS 
BEEN WIPED OFF THE FACE OF OUR LAND/ 

The Smith Act — Fountcrinhecxd of Oppression 

The drive now under way against militant Negro leadership is 
greatly strengthened by a whole series of executive and legislative 
measures designed to silence all serious opposition from any quarter 
to basic foreign and domestic policies of the Federal Government. 

The democratic rights of Negroes and all other Americans are 
being seriously undermined by the so-called "Loyalty Oath" purges 
of Federal employees and public school teachers; the curbing of trade 
union rights under the Taft-Hartley Act and other measures; the 
exercise of thought-control and the building of concentration camps 
under the McCarran Act; the wholesade round-up and deportation 
of aliens; the new restrictions on West Indians coming to this coun- 
try under the McCarran-W alter Act; and especially the prosecution 
of Communist leaders for alleged violation of the Smith Act. 

Among these and other repressive measures, by far the most im- 
mediate and serious threat to the democratic liberties of all citizens 
— indeed, the main fountainhead of current trends toward the sup- 
pression of free speech and free association — is the 1940 thought- 
control law sponsored by Howard W. Smith, poll-tax representative 
from Virginia for more than twenty -one years. 

The Smith Act makes it "criminal conspiracy" to teach or advo- 
cate or circulate almost any ideas which hired stool-pigeons can 
testify imply "intent" to overthrow the government by force and 
violence — even though the indicted person is not charged with one 
single act or speech calling for such overthrow. 

Referring to the eleven national leaders of the Communist Party 
convicted under this Act, Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black de- 
clared: "These petitioners were not charged with an attempt to over- 
throw the Government. . . . The charge was that they agreed to 
assemble and to talk and publish certain ideas at a later date. . . . 
No matter how it is worded, this is a virulent form of prior censor- 
ship of speech and press, which I believe the First Amendment 
forbids." Mr. Justice William C. Douglas called these convictions 
"dangerous to the liberties of every citizen." 



The Smith Act poses a very special threat to Negro citizens. "We 
have got to "teach arid advocate" changes in the many Jim Crow 
laws and practices of federal, state and local governmental agencies. 
Thus we always run the risk that some paid "informer" wifi appear 
in court to testify that our intent, despite our words and deeds -jco 
the contrary, is to "overthrow the Government by force and violence." 

This is why two eminent Negro attorneys — Richard E. West- 
brooks and Earl B. Dickerson, of Chicago — urged the Supreme Court 
to reconsider its decision upholding the conviction of the Commu- 
nist leaders under the Smith Act. They argued: "In the first place, 
advocacy of fundamental changes in government so as to extend 
democratic protection to the Negro people might well be equated, 
under the broad terms of the Court's decision, with advocacy of the 
violent over throw, of the .Government. . . . Trie inevitable effect of 
the decision is to undermine, if not destroy, effective jprotest with 
regard to government practices and policies inimical to the wel- 
fare of Negroes." 

She Negro leaders of the Communist Party have already been vic- 
timized by the Smith Act. Henry Winston, National Organization 
Secretary, was convicted along with Benjamin J. Davis, Jr. and nine 
other members of the National Committee. Miss Claudia Jones, Sec- 
retary of the National Women's Commission, and Pettis Perry, Secre- 
tary of the National Negro Commission, are now on trial in New 
York. James E. Jackson, Southern Regional Director, and Benjamin 
Careathers, leader in the Negro community of Pittsburgh, are under 
Indictment. 

Henry Winston and James Jackson have been sought by Federal 
authorities since the summer of 1951 — the first political refugees we 
have had in this country since before the Civil War — since the days 
when Frederick Douglass was a "fugitive from justice" and a price 
hung over the head of Harriet Tubman. 

It is horribly unjust that these Communist leaders — -or any other 
Americans — should be prosecuted and imprisoned for nothing more 
than their political beliefs. It is criminal that their wives, children, 
relatives, friends and neighbors are now being hounded and 
persecuted day and night by the F.B.I. It is sinister and alarming 
that the "witch-hunt" hysteria whipped up around the Smith Act 
trials is being used as a cover for wholesale attacks against Negro 
leadership by all the flag-waving, white-supremacist enemies of 
democracy throughout our country. 

The warning of Attorneys Westbrooks and Dickerson is tragically 
confirmed by the increasing number of unwarranted attacks' agamstT" 
Negro leaders during this period of Smith Act prosecutions. Our 
"right of protest" is, indeed, being undermined; and without this 
right the Negro people can have no hope of winning full citizen- 
ship. 

The spokesmen of our Government proclaim their fervent desire 
to "extend democracy" everywhere throughout the world. Let them 
direct a little more of their democratic fervor toward the defense and 
extension of democracy here at home! 



TI0N AND MURDER OF NEGRO LEADERS! 



>F SPONSORS) 

rpenr-^aeksajiy-M . Y. 
Henderson, Ind. ^ - 
; Hunton, N. Y. 
?atterson, N. Y. 
. Young, Mich. 
:, Cal. 
Iins. N. Y. 
Y. 
Y. 




Rev. Harold S. Williamson, N. 
Dr. Forrest O. Wiggins, Minn. 
Mr. Robert S. Robinson, Cal. 
Mr. Eddie Pinckney. N. Y. 
Mrs. Lid die Banks, N. Y. 
Rev. H. M. Hutchtngs, Mass. 
Mr. William Harrison, Mass. 
Capt. Hugh Mulzac, N. Y. 
Mr. James W. Ford, N. Y. 



Y. 



Miss Ethel Goodman, Ohio 
Mr. Edward M. Webb, Ohio 
Mr. Bertram Washington, Ohio 
Mr. Raymond Dennis, Ohio 
Mr. George Lee, Cal. 
Mr. Lawrence Turner, Cal. 
Mr. John Forrester, Cal. 
Mr. Roger Boyd, Cal. 
Mr. Sidney Moore, Cal. 



Mrs. Marguerite Robinson, Cal. 
Mr. Clarence T. R. Nelson, Ohio 

Mr. Lee Cain, Mich--,^ 

Mr. Andrew Nelson, La. 

Mrs. Thelma Slappy, N. Y. 

Miss Laura Hall, N. Y. 

Dr. Edward C. Mazique, D.C. 

Mr. Cyril Philips. N. Y. 

Mrs. Maude White Katr, N. Y. 



b 



¥ 



Paul Robeson 



ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

D1TE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



Suite 3 9 Fifty-three West 125 Streetjtow York 27, K Y 




S ^j 



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Dear Friend: 

I am writing to you about a matter that is most important to me as an 
artist. 

For the past several years a vicious effort has been made to destroy 
my career. Hall-owners, sponsors and even audiences have been intimidated. 
Recently,* in Chicago, 15,000 persons who wanted to attend one of my concerts 
had to assemble in a park because the hall-owner had' been threatened. 

The, outrageous denial of my passport bars me from accepting contracts 
to appear in England, France, China and many other lands. ■ 

Although I have recorded for nearly every major recording company and 
sold millions of records both here and abroad, these companies refuse to 
produce any new recordings for me. 

What is the meaning of this? It is an attempt to gag artistic expres- 
sion, to dictate whom the people shall hear and what they shall hear. It is 
an attempt to suppress not only me, but every artist, Negro and white, whose 
heart and talent are enlisted in the fight for peace and democracy. 

There is a- way to explode the silence they would impose on us. An inde- 
pendent record company has just been established that will make new record- 
ings for me. This company will also release work by other artists banned 
because of their views, and younger artists often denied a hearing. 

My first new album, described in the enclosure,' is now in production. 

But the making, of records i.s only part of the job. The big task is 
to make sure that the records will reach a mass audience in every part of the 
country. To do this I need the active support of all my friends. 

The first step is to assure an advance sale of thousands of albums. 
So, I :am « .asking you to subscribe now to a special $5 advance sale of m^ new 
album, which I will autograph for you . I hope you will tell your friends 
about our new project and get them to subscribe now to this advance sale. 

I am determined to defeat those who would imprison my voice. Your $5 
in the enclosed envelope will help to break through the barriers. 

Sincerely yours, 




X 



t_ 



^j 








CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
5311 Woodland Avenue 
Cleveland, Ohio 



ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED 

HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED 

MTE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CMCT 



Express 1-5529 



IMPORTANT IMPORTANT IMPORTANT 



TO: ALL MEMBERS 

CLEVELAND NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 



Dear Member: 

The last membership meeting of the Cleveland Negro Labor 
Council before the Convention will be held Sunday, November 16, 1952 
at 4:00 F*M* at the Council Office # 

This will be a joinfc meeting qf the entire membership, the 
Cleveland Arrangements Committee and the National Resident Committee 
will also be present » ,. 

Final plans in connection with the Convention will be made 
at this time and it is very important that every member attend. 

Please make every effort to' be prompt in order that the busi- 
ness may be completed in the shortest possible time* 



Fraternally yours, 




Ethel L g Goodman 
Executive Secretary 



ELG:cmr 
dpowa#87 



\ 



>«c 



ALL INFORrlATION CONTaIIiIED 

HEFOE XBJ I !b UIJ L LA d d I FIED 

DATE 02-11-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/C1W 



JFAfe pamphlet contains the text of q,n ad- 
dress by Maurice E. Travis, internationahSgcre- 
tary-treasurer . of the International Uni&h of 
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, at the found- 
ing convention of the National Negro Labor 
Council on October 28, 1951, in Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Brother Travis' address has been unanimously 
endorsed by the Mine-Mill International Execu- 
tive Boa/rd. 

JOHN CLARK, President 
International Union of Mine, 
Mill and Smelter Workers. N 



v 




' * j ; *.* 



-/J 



/>~p-'-k~z 





Let me give you a word of the philosophy of 
reforms. The whole history of the progress of 
human, liberty shows that all concessions, yet 
mad^to her august claims, have been bom of 
earnest struggle. The conflict has been exciting, 
agitating, and alUabsorbing, and for the time 
beings-putting all other tumults to silence. It 
must do this or it does nothing. If there is no 
struggle, there is no progress. Those who pro- 
fess to favor freedom, and yet depredate agi- 
tation, are men who want crops without plow- 
ing up the ground. They want rain without 
thunder and lightning. They want the ocean 
ivithout the awful roar of its many waters. This 
struggle may be both moral and physical; but it 
must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing 
tvithout a demand. It never did, and it never 
will. 

FREDERICK DOUGLASS 



.-2-. 



#1 



MAURICE E. TRAVIS 

International Secretary-Treasurer 

International Union of Mine, Mill and 

Smelter Workers 

Maurice E. Travis was - born April 24, 1910 at 
Spokane, Wash. He was educated at St Mary's College 
prep school, then in Oakland, Calif., and at the State 

^ Teacher's College San 

Jose, Calif. It was while 
attending school that he 
made his first contact with 
the labor movement. 

In subsequent years, 
"Trav" worked in harvest 
fields, orchards, logging 
camps, steel mills, and fac- 
tories. He has been an 
actor, a truck driver, and 
a printer. 

From 1939 to 1941, 
Brother Travis was secre- 
tary of the Contra Costa 
CIO Council in California. 
He served for several 
years as a member of the 
executive board of the 
California Industrial 
Council, CIO. 

He has held .more positions and offices with*the 
International Union of Mine Mill and Smelter Workers 
than any other member. He has been international 
representative, regional director, international execu- 
tive board member, international president, interna- 
tional vice-president, and was recently re-elected in an 







-3- 



international referendum to another term as interna- 
tional secretary-treasurer. 

Brother Travis has a well-earned reputation as a 
fighter for Negro rights. He is a member of the execu- 
tive board of the National Negro Labor Council. His 
participation in the crusade for Negro liberation re- 
ceived international publicity in 1949 when he was 
beaten almost to death by a gang of white supremacists 
in an Alabama radio station during a raid on his 
union by the CIO officialdom. He lost an eye «i that 
encounter. The patch he has worn since thenMs his 
badge of honor. <$ 



v i 



Raymond Dennis, 

Intl. Exec. Board Member, 

District Three. 

Asbury Howard, 

Regional Director, 

Bessemer, Ala* 

International Union of Mine 

Mill and Smelter Workers. 



-4- 






Now Is the 




T>r others and Sisters: I was deeply moved 
-*** when I received the invitation to appear 
here. This conference was called by — and is 
devoted to — Negro workers, who came here 
to dipuss the crucial issues' which grow out of 
theii?* life-and-death struggle against white 
man£s justice. Because you have asked me to 
speak here as a white trade unionist, I feel a 
grave, sense of responsibility. 

The first thing I want to say is that if I 
am able to speak here today as a leader of a 
union which has in the past year had some taste 
of victory over formidable enemies, it is in 
large measure because of the courage, under- 
standing and militance of thousands of Negro 
and Mexican-American members in my union. 
However, we still have a big job to do in my 
union. 

What I have to say here today flows direct- 
ly from the deeper understanding of my respon- 
sibilities as a white labor leader as a result of 
what the Negrd and Mexican-American mem- 
bers of my union have taught me. 

I didn't come here to tell the Negro work- 
ers of America, or their leaders, what to do. I 
didn't come to orate about the problems of the 

5 



Negro people and hand out a fancy custom-built 
set of answers designed to wash away all these 
problems — like Tide, the Washday Wonder, 

Here on the stage, and out there, is a great 
abundance of genuine Negro leadership. Here 
are the real leaders of the Negro workers in 
America. They know what must be done, and 
they are ready, willing and very, very aMe to 
do it. * 

* TO WHITE UNIONISTS 

What I've got to say is aimed at the white 
trade unionists — rank-and-file white workers 
and their leaders — here and around the country. 

How have we always talked about Negro- 
white unity in the past? We've talked about it 
on the basis of white joining to help the Ne- 
groes win their just rights. The big white bro- 
thers, holding out a generous, fatherly hand, to 
lift up the Negroes. And, of course, as long as 
that approach was used, the Negroes somehow 
never got lifted up. 

I think it's about time that white workers 
and their leaders registered a fact of life. It's 
time for them to agree that a change has taken 
place in the world. It's time for them to under- 
stand that all over the world, the white man is 
being tested. Millions of people in Asia, Africa, 
South America, the Pacific, are taking a very 



1 



t\ 




h^ivfwtf I* **£ White man mean * what 
equSty. " * **■ ab ° Ut de «»»cracy and 

w 5T- in the P nite d States that world-wide 
lSLJ? nS i ma $ e in a ver ^ P^ted way. Mu! 

u,S ca — "* takl ^ a close look to see how 
the Negro worker gets along in this onmtZ 
where there fa so much talk of democraT 

UnitS S C* SeC ? et J° a ^ one in this hall that the 

St S eS 1S flu ^ ing the test ^serably, 2 
spite of the super-salesmen who cloe the a* 
ways with protestations. 8 **" 




* THE SAME ANVIL 

And the Negro workers of Georgia and De- 
troit and Harlem and Mississippi know that 
the chains which enslave the darker peoples of 
other lands are forged on the same anvil .of 
bigotry and economic exploitation which fash- 
ions the chains of American Jini Crow. 

The very fact that this conference is being 
held demonstrates that the Negro workers are 

•8 



not waiting. They have waited too long for their 
inalienable right of life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness. No, they are not waiting, They 
are impatiently demanding. 

Yes, the temper and position of the Negro 
people has changed . . . and it is continuing 
to change. And I say to the white trade union- 
ists ^r we had better change, too. 

Whenever and wherever there has been 
genifine unity of Negro and white workers, 
unity of the kind we are talking about here — 
unitjH around a program of action — whenever 
there has been that kind of unity, the whole 
country has moved ahead. 

There was that kind of unity in the period 
just after the Emancipation Proclamation. And 
both the white AND Negro workers of this 
country made great strides forward. There was 
also that kind of genuine unity between Negro 
and white workers under F. D. R. in the 1930's 
— and brother, how we did move then! 

* ALL HELD BACK 

On the other hand, wherever there has been 
no unity between Negro and white worker's, 
there the Negroes have been kept back and the 
white workers have been pulled back, too ! 

Now this is a big and important idea, an 



idea which white workers must be made to un- 
derstand clearly — and quickly. What this 
means is that the fight for Negro rights is not 
a matter of big brotherhood, or paternalism, or 
generosity on the part of white workers. It's a 
matter of life or death for the white workers 
themselves. 

The white supremacists and their political 
stooges do not intend that the trigger, thfelash 
and the noose shall be reserved for N<egroes 
only. They intend that ALL workers shall feel 
the lash of reaction — if they do not comply. 




10 



V 



They intend to divide us on any grounds they 
can. 

Now as far as the white leaders of the trade 
unions are concerned, there is a record. And if 
we look at the record of most of the big and im- 
portant unions, what do we find ? 

We find that there is a great deal of talk 
aboutjhe need to fight for the rights of Negro 
worked. We find that committees are set up, 
civil lights directors are appointed, speeches 
are made, resolutions are passed. 

Oh, there are a goodly number of labor 
leaders who capture the headlines with state- 
ments that the Negro must be given more 
equality as an answer to "communist propa- 
ganda." In one breath these labor leaders are 
making two damaging admissions. 

* AN ADMISSION 

* First, they're admitting that there is dis- 
crimination against the Negro people and that 
they have done nothings, as labor leaders, to stop 
it. And second, they're admitting they have no 
desire to do anything in order to strengthen 
the Negro as an ally in the fight for better liv- 
ing standards for ALL Americans. 

In effect, they're saying that they want 
desperately to hold oh to the handle of red- 

11 



baiting which becomes more and more feeble 
every time they use it. 
But nothing happens. 

The white labor leaders — and some of 
them head very big unions — somehow find it 
possible to make a lot of noise about how we 
have got to overcome discrimination in this 
country. But the jim crow locals are still there. 
The policy of 'last hired and first fired" <j<£ still 
there. The segregated toilets are still in thwack 
of the shop. The dual wage scale still prevails. 
The lily-white international executive boards 
are still in business. 

But these same white labor leaders will tell 
you, and they will be very loud and surprised 
when they say it : "What do you mean, I'm not 
delivering on the question of Negro rights? 
Why, we hired a Negro stenographer just the 
other day. We had a big article about discrimi- 
nation and equilty in our union paper. Why, 
we eliminated discrimination in the bowling 
alleys all over the country — not in our unions 
— but in the bowling alleys. Surely, we're doing 
everything we v can!" 

The fact is that these white labor leaders 
have done nothing in the real fight for the 
rights of Negro workers — and they don't in- 
tend to do anything. They will concoct a hund- 
red window-dressing campaigns to make a noise 

12 



»t 



intended to fool some people into believing they 
are doing something. 

* IGNORE REAL JOB 

But they ignore the real job — the fight 
for Negro rights in the shop and in the com- 
munity around the shop. When it comes to pro- 
viding leadership for the in-fighting against 
empK^ers, these hypocrites are missing. 

*Now I want to make it clear that I think 
white workers have a great responsibility in 
the lEfi-ger campaigns — the struggles that are 
conducted on a national or regional basis. They 
can do a great deal in the fight for the right of 
Negro families to live in white communities. 
They can do a great deal when it comes to send- 
ing petitions and telegrams and mobilizing pro- 
test delegations in cases like those of the Mar- 
tinsville Seven, Willie McGee, the Trent on Six, 
and the fight against fascist terrorism in 
Cicero, Illinois. 

These campaigns are important. They con- 
tribute to the overall fight for full freedom for 
the Negro people. And many thousands of pro- 
gressive white trade unionists have engraved 
an honorable record of the part they have 
played in them. 

But these campaigns are no substitute for 
the day-to-day fight for Negro workers in our 

13 



own back yard. They don't excuse the -white 
worker from taking on a fight to see to it that 
his Negro brothers and sisters can eat in the 
same restaurant he uses right next to the shop 
where they work together. They don't take the 
place of job action to guarantee that a Negro is 
up-graded. They don't mean we can duck the 
fight for PEP clauses in our contracts. 

• TRADE UNION DUTY ^ 

What I'm saying is that the white' union 
leaders have a responsibility to fight as trade 
unionists for the rights of Negro workers as 
trade unionists. More than that, it's a matter of 
cold self-interest, self-preservation of them- 
selves and their unions for them to press that 
fight just as hard as they can. 

I have been trying to say that when white 
workers join in campaigns for the liberation of 
their fellow freedom-fighters, the white work- 
ers are helping themselves. Nowhere is this 
better illustrated than in the deep South . • . 
and for two very important reasons. 

One reason is that when the fight for the 
elementary right of Negro workers to vote in 
the South is won — and it will be won — there 
will be an immediate change in the political bal- 
ance of power, not just in the South but all over 
the nation. Because when the poll tax goes, the 

14 



u. 






strangle-hold of the poll-tax Congressmen on 
our government will be broken. That will open 
the doors for a whole series of changes in the 
political complexion of this land. 







\ The second reason is that, the economic 
balance of power is changing in tiie South. More 



i 



15 



and more northern corporations are "decentral- 
izing their operations — which means moving 
them to the South where they hope to exploit 
cheap labor, caused by the division between 
Negro and white workers. That means unem- 
ployment in the North, and vicious exploitation 
of Negro and white worker in the South. The 
answer, so far as the white worker — both 
North and South — is concerned, is to guarantee 
that the Southern wage differential is wi$ed 
out. That means a joint fight — with Negtfo 
and white worker campaigning together in the 
same union — to bust the Southern differen- 
tial. 

• A FOOLISH NOTION 

There are not very many white workers 
left by now who harbor the illusion, the foolish 
notion that they have an identity of interest 
with employers. Every step that's been taken 
since the war drive began has made it clearer 
and clearer that the employers are out to 
destroy our living standards, wipe out even the 
most elementary of our civil rights, put our sons 
in uniform and send them to some foreign soil 
to kill and be killed. 

The employers — and the men who speak 
for them in government — have made it clear 
that they are determined to have those profits, 

16 



no matter what it costs in terms of sacrifice by 
American workers, 

it 

And when the employers — acting through 
their agent in Government, Charles E. Wilson 
— impose a wage freeze, the freeze does not dis- 
tinguish between white workers and Negroes. 
It does not say: we will hold down the wages 
of one group and raise the wages of the other. 
Np. it says this wage freeze is democratic — 
ewrybody is frozen stiff as a mackerel. 



w^mm 




17 



How do you fight that kind of business? 
You fight it by uniting with every ally you can 
find to smash the wage freeze. A white worker 
would be an awful dumb-bell if he rejected the 
willingness of the Negro worker to join him in 
a drive to smash the wage freeze. 

And how does one do his part to help make 
sure that the Negro is in a position to fight the 
wage freeze — and all the other devices tfyait 
are used to keep down the worker, Negro ai$d 
white alike? How does the white worker and 
labor leader do his part to help mow down the 
barriers that stand in the path of the Negro 
worker? 

-k SOME NECESSARY TOOLS 

First of all, white workers have a responsi- 
bility to join the fight for placing the same 
tools, in the hands of his Negro brother that he 
himself has. One of those tools is a job. Another 
of those tools is membership in a trade union — 
full membership. Still another tool is the right 
to advance into positions of leadership in the 
union, 

IT 

These are three elementary tools which the 
Negro worker must have if he's going to fight 
effectively against those enemies he has in 
common with the white worker. So you see* 
what I mean when I say that it's a matter of 

18 



r 






cold self-interest for the white worker to jump 
off his pinnacle of paternalism and join his 
Negro brother in a genuine brand of unity. 

Now, most of the white labor leaders give 
at least lip-service to the notion that the Negro 
worker has a right to a job. And a few of them 
are willing to admit that the Negro ought to 
have membership in a local union that is not 
jifti crow. But it is on the issue of permitting 
Negroes to advance into positions of leadership 
that so many white leaders begin to burrow 
urider the rug, and find excuses, and reasons 
why not, and let's not be in too big a hurry. 

• THE TIME IS NOW! 

I say the time is now. Not tomorrow, or 
next month, or after the next five-year contract 
expires. But now. If anybody wants to argue 
I with me that Negro workers aren't ready to 

{ assume positions of union leadership, Til tell 

him he's a plain damned fool. 

Who is better qualified as a labor leader 
than Asbury Howard, our Mine-Mill regional 
director in the deep South. Who is better quali- 
fied than Raymond Dennis, our International 
Executive Board Member in the middle west? 
Who is better qualified than anyone of dozens 
of Negro workers in this hall ? 



I 



19 



Any white worker or white labor leader 
who says he believes in equality for Negro 
workers, and then says there doesn't happen to 
be any Negro in his union "ready for leader- 
ship" is just trying to duck a fight. In effect, 
he's saying, there may be a few white members 
in the union who might object — so why make 
a fuss? 

It doesn't seem to occur to those w\ite 
leaders that nothing can mobilize and rally $ie 
Negro worker so much as the sure knowledge 
that there are Negroes among the leaders* in 
his union — from top to bottom. 

There are also the white labor leaders who 
advance the stupid and malicious argument 
that any attempt to advance Negroes into union 
leadership is "Jim Crow in reverse." You only 
have to take a brief glance behind that notion 
to see just one more example of white suprem- 
acy. 

* A SIMPLE PROBLEM 

There is only one approach to the question 
of Negro leadership in trade unions. It is the 
approach that insists on advancement of Ne- 
groes into positions of' leadership — at every 
level — in the interests of both white and Negro 
workers. It's that simple. 

Once the Negro worker begins to develop 

20 



\ 



^3 
\ 



stature as a leader in the labor movement, his 
union — and that includes the white leaders in 
his union — have a special obligation that goes 
beyond the union. That's the obligation to make 
sure that the Negro labor leader is given time 
and opportunity to develop as a leader in the 
Negro community — as a leader in the fight for 
Negro liberation on ALL fronts. 

*\ The hour is late. The corporations are be- 
ft coding more and more arrogant, getting tough- 

er and tougher. As they see it, they're in the 
satfdle, and they intend to wring out everything 
they can get, even if it means war. 

Now, I don't know whether or not the big 
shots in the corporations welcome the idea of 
another war. But I do know that they welcome 
— and insist on — the idea of an ever-increas- 
ing program of armaments and overseas 'bases. 
And it's very clear why they insist on such a 
gigantic and costly arms program — paid out of 
the pockets and the sweat of American workers. 
First, they look upon it as the only alternative 
to a depression. And second, they are convinced 
that "a huge'arms program is the only effective 
way t© win control of every market in the world. 



I 



ii 






il 



* JOBS AT STAKE 

What that means — to the white and 

21 



Negro worker alike — is easy to see. Workers 
in one of the plants covered by my union are 
losing their jobs because the plant cannot com- 
pete with cheaply-made products imported from ■ 
occupied Japan. And it goes without saying that 
a MacArthur-trained police force and army of 
occupation make sure the workers of Japan 
have been stripped of the right to strike for 
decent wages. •* 

' No matter how you look at it, neitherjihe 
workers of the American-controlled colonial 
areas, nor those here at home gain aiiythirii: in 
this game. They only lose. 

We've got to get moving, if we're going to 
bust up this plot. We've got to leave the plan- 
ning and talking stage, and get into action — 

fast. 

Now is the time for the white worker to 
make it clear — once and for all — that they 
welcome the idea of unity with Negro workers. 
Now is the time for them to make clear that 
they look upon Negro-white unity as a matter 
of mutual responsibility. After all, any alliance, 
by its very nature, means responsibility on both * 
Sides. 

The white workers who are here at this 
conference have a special responsibility. They 
have the job of going back to their homes, to 
their unions, and campaigning for Negro-white 

22 



*. 



unity — not among the Negro workers — but 
among the white workers. 

• NEGROES 

There has never been any doubt in my mind 
that Negro workers welcome the idea of unity 
with white workers. And if there was any 
do$k>t anywhere, the very fact of this confer- 
ence should end it, for good and all. The job 
that needs to be done is among the white work- 
ers^— and that's our job. 

The National Negro Labor Council which 
is being founded here is primarily a movement 
of Negro workers — Negro freedom-fighters. 
It is being led, -and will be led, by Negroes. They 
will unite the Negro workers around a program 
of action, which is- the way it should be done. 

5 1 But the responsibility of white workers 

here is to guarantee that white workers be 

■ brought into the united struggle with Negro 

* workers for Negro rights. Unless they do that, 

the white labor leaders will have forfeited the 

right /to speak of Negro-white unity. 

There are — fortunately not at this meet- 
ing — some white labor leaders who have al- 
ready tried to smear this movement by calling 
it dual unionism. Now dual unionism is a catch- 
word which is usually used by labor phonies 



> 

It _ 
i 



1 ; 






23 



i 



when they see somethvng done which they 
should have done themselves. But I don*t see 
any new labor federation being organized here. 
I don y t see any new international or national 
union being founded here. 

All I see is the beginning of a movement 
that should have been sparked and initiated 
long ago. The cry of dual unionism is no more 
than a feeble attempt to find a closet in whfeh 
to hide the skeletons of past failures. 



r 



V] 



• NEVER TRIED BEFORE * 

It seems to me there is something very 
special about this convention. This is an his- 
toric meeting. We are here at the birth of a 
movement that has no parallel in the whole 
history of our country. What is being done here 
has never been tried before. 

I don't need to tell you that this meeting is 
taking place in an historic city — the site of an 
important way-station in the Underground 
Railroad during the long struggle against 
slavery. 

One of the men who made his very special 
contribution to the struggle against slavery was 
John Brown. Now John Brown was not a dip- 
lomat. And he certainly was not a talker or 
speech-maker. As a matter of fact we are told 

24 



by the history books that John Brown was not 
the kind of man who would use two worids 
where one would do. 

But John Brown was a man of courage, of 
conscience, and above all, a man of action. He 
was a man of principle. If a thing was right, it 
was right — there could be no compromise. He 
hated slavery, so he took himself to the very 
h^t-land of slavery and made a dramatic at- 
^ tempt to smash slavery at orie blow — by taking 

\\ away the weapons that were required to up- 

hold it. 

* JOHN BROWN'S HERITAGE 

There are some who say that John Brown 
failed in his glorious attempt to smash slavery. 
But what John Brown^did gave heart and spirit 
to the Negroes all over the South. When they 
heard the story of John Brown — they knew 
they had white allies, they knew that slavery 
could and would be destroyed. And what John 
Brown said at the last shines through even 
today — in the temper and spirit of this con- 
ference. He said: 



i 
t 

(t 

r 






i 



"If it is deemed necessary that I should 
F forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends 

of justice, and mingle my blood with the blood 
of my children and with the blood of millions 

25 



in this slave country whose rights are disre- - 

garded by wicked, cruel and unjust enactments, 
I say, let it be done." 

This is a time for new John Browns to 
arise, up and down the land. And I am convinced 
that out of this conference will come a whole 
army of — John Browns, men who are dedicated 
not to talk and double-talk, but to action. Men 
of principle and of conscience who are convii^d 
that jim crow can be licked, and that the ti#ie v 

has come to lick it, so that the Negro can take 
his full and rightful place as a first class citizen 
of this land — with full social, economic, politi- 
cal, and civil rights. 

The time is ripe. Let's go! 

THE END 



** 






26 



STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES 

CONSTITUTION ^ 
h ' Preamble 






\ 



i » 



We, the members of the Negro Labor Councils, believe that the 
struggle of the Negro people for first-class citizenship based on 
economic, political and social equality is in vain unless we as Negro 
workers, along with our white allies, are united to protect our 
people (Negro) against those forces who continue to deny us full 
citizenship. 

Realizing that the old forms of organizations which were dedicated 
to*Jfehe fight for first-class citizenship for Negro people have been 
unable to bring full economic opportunity for the Negro worker in 
the factory, the mine, the mill, the office, in government; to stop 
wanton police killings of Negroes throughout the land ; to Btop mob 
violence against us; to bring the franchise to our brothers and 
our country with proper representation in government on all levels ; 
sisters, in the South, and gain our full say in the political life of 
to buy and rent homes everywhere unrestricted ; to use public facili- 
ties, restaurants, hotels, and the recreational facilities in town and 
3\. country, we form the National Negro Labor Council (N.N.L.C.), 

l\ an organization which unites all Negro workers with other suffering 

minorities and our allies among the white workers, and base our- 
selves on rank and file control regardless of age, sex, creed, 
political beliefs, or union affiliation, and pursuie at all times a 
policy of militant struggle to improve our conditions. 

We pledge ourselves to labor unitedly for the principles herein 
set forth, to perpetuate our councils and work concertedly with other 
organizations that seek improvement for Negro and other op 
pressed minorities. 



I 



i * 



We further pledge ourselves to work unitedly with the trade unions 
to bring about greater cooperation between all sections of the Negro 
people and the trade union movement; to bring the principles of 
trade unionism to the Negro workers everywhere; to aid the trade 
unions in the great unfinished task of organizing the South on 
,the basis of fraternity, equality and unity ; and to further unity be- 
tween black and white workers everywhere. 

27 



X 



} 



It 

U 



PROGRAM OF ACTION 



1. THE FIGHT FOR 100,000 JOBS 

The Convention goes on record as immediately launch- 
ing a national fight for 100,000 new jobs by May 15th 
for Negro workers in areas of employment now barred 
\ to Negroes. 

f 2. OTHE FIGHT FOR JOBS .FOR NEGRO WOMEN 

[ t % ThevSpecial needs of Negro women must be the constant, 

ano> conscious concentration within the overall job cam- 
paign. 

3. t!he fight for a NATIONAL FEBC 

(1,000,000 SIGNATURES) 

As an integral part of a fight for jobs, a campaign to 
collect 1,000,000 signatures on a petition for a National 
FEPC, executive order shall be conducted. 

4. THE FIGHT FOR A "MODEL FEPC CLAUSE" IN 
EACH UNION CONTRACT 

The fight for a "model FEPC contract clause" in every 
union^contract must be accelerated. Since the Chicago 
Conference for Negro Rights in June 1950, the UE 
International Union has adopted the model clause as 
part of its official union policy, with marked positive 
■; results in building unity of Negro and white workers. 

5. THE FIGHT FOR FULL FREEDOM 

While training our main guns on the economic front, 
the Negro Labor Council is aware of the necessity of 
joining in the great over all struggle for full freedom 
of the Negro people in many fields of action. 

We stand ready to join hands with other organizations 
r in the general fight for Negro Rights and to initiate 

i campaigns in our own right where the need exists, 

\ 

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NATIONAL NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
410 E. Warren Ave., Suite 214-16 
Detroit 1, Michigan 

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ship in the NNLC. 

n Send me information on the NNLC, 



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.. Send me. 



copies of "Now ds the Time", @ 10c per 
copy. 

Pamphlets available to Local NNLC Councils 

@ 7c per copy. 



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I tie new wind oi Jxfeedom is blowing from the seven seas. * v . It < has ; 
brought upon the American scene a new Negro, sons and daughters 
of Labor. This new Negro comes with the song pf freedom on his 
lips and steel in his hearty and believe me when I tell you that the 
new Negro just isn't fooling about where he jineans to;go Jfroni 
here. . . ." . . -* ; . **".'*" * */■/ -— " ' 

.With these words, Ernest Thompson/ national FEPC secretary ./'for the 
United Electrical Workers/ . dramatically introduced the keynote speaker, 
W^liam R^Hood, UAW^CIO; /leader, at the opening session of the two-day 
foundinc convention of f>if»*--'W'a-Hrrn«il Kr^rrw* T.«u*«, r*^;*.^ rt ;i ^ n;-«^r«^«4-.: r\\+z~ " 




WILLIAM R. HOOD 

Secretary, Ford Local 600 

President, National Negro Labor Council 

William R.*Hood was born September 29, 1910 in Whitesville, Ga. He 
received his early education at the Union Street School in La Grange, Ga. 
and the East Depot High School of same city. He later attended Tuskegee 
Institute. . 

He came to the city of Detroit in 1942, started work at the Chevrolet 
Gear and Axle Plant and was a member of Local 235 of the UAW-CIO. 
He went to work at the Ford Rouge Plant in Dearborn, Michigan, working 
in the old "B" Building which is now the Dearborn Assembly Plant. As 
a member of this Unit of the giant Local 600 UAW-CIQ, he served as 
District Committeeman, on the Bargaining Committee, and as Financial 
Secretary of the Unit. 

He was elected Recording Secretary of Local 600 in 1947, receiving the 
highest vote ever cast for a top union official in the country up to that time. 
He has been consistently reelected for four straight terms. 



% — >1 



-2- 



ALL IHFOKMATION COHTAIHED 

HEp:EIN IS OTCLAggiFIEI;| 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 6Q324UCEAW/SB/CMW 




UNCLE TOM DS 

ADS 

Full text of address of William R. Hood, delivered 
at the Founding Convention of the National Negro 
Labor Council at Cincinnati, Ohio, October 27, 1951 



BROTHERS AMD SISTERS: 

This is an historic day. On this day we, the delegated 
representatives of thousands of workers, black and white, 
dedicate ourselves to the search for a new North Star, 
the same star that Sojourner Truth, Nat Turner and John 
Brown saw rise over the city of Cincinnati over a century 
ago. 

We come conscious of the new stage in the Negro 
people^ surge toward freedom. We come to announce to 
all 4ajkerica and to the world, that Uncle Tom is dead. 
"Old Massa" lies in the cold, cold grave. Something new 
is cooking on the Freedom Train. 

We come here today because we are conscious at this 
hour of a confronting world crisis. We are here because 
many of our liberties are disappearing in the face of a 
powerful war economy and grave economic problems face 
working men and women everywhere. No meeting held 
anywhere in America at this mid-century point in world 
history can be more important nor hold more promise, for 
the bright future toward which humanity strives than 
this convention of our National Negro Labor Council. For 
here we have gathered the basic forces of human progress ; 
the proud black sons and daughters of labor and our dem- 
ocratic white brothers and sisters whose increasing con- 
cern for democracy, equality and peace is America's bright 
hope for tomorrow. 



We, the Negro working sons and daughters, have come 
here to Cincinnati to keep faith with our forefathers and 
mothers who landed right here from the banks of the Ohio 
River in their dash for freedom from chattel slavery 
through the underground railroad. We come here to pledge 
ourselves that the fight for economic, political and social 
freedom which they began, shall not have been in vain. 

Yes, we are here as proud black Ame^can working 
men and women; proud of the right to live, igcbt humiliated 
any. We are proud, too, because of our democratic white 
brothers and sisters who have come here; proud because 
these staunch allies are not afraid to stand shoulder to 
shoulder with us to fight for that which is right. 

The Negro Labor Council is our symbol, the medium 
of expression of our aims and aspirations. It is the ex- 
pression of our desire and determination to bring to bear 
our full weight to help win first-class citizenship for every 
black man, woman and child in America. We say that these 
are legitimate aims. We say that these aspirations burn 
fiercely in the breast of every Negro in America. And we 
further say that millions of white workers echo our de- 
mands for freedom. These white workers recognize in their 
struggle for Negro rights, the prerequisites of their own 
aspirations for a full life and a guarantee that the rising 
tide of fascism will not engulf America. 

And we say that those whites who call the National 
Negro Labor Council "subversive" have an ulterior motive. 
We know them for what they are — the common oppressors 
of both people, Negro and white. We charge thatvtheir 
false cry of "subversive" is calculated to maintain ana ex- 
tend that condition of common oppression. We say to 
those whites: "You have never seen your mothers, sisters 
and daughters turned away from thousands of factory 
gates, from the air-lines, the offices, stores and other 
places of desirable employment, insulted and driven into 
the streets many times when, they tried to eat in public 
places — simply because of their color. You have never 
been terrorized by the mob, shot in cold blood by the 
police; you have never had your home burned when you 
moved out of the ghetto into another neighborhood — 
simply because you were black. You are not denied the 
franchise; you are not denied credit in banks, denied in- 
surance, jobs and upgrading — because of the pigmentation 
of your skin. You are not denied union membership and 
representation. You do not die ten years before the rest 

-2- 



of the people because of these many denials of basic rights. 

"Therefore, you who call this National Negro Labor 
Council "subversive" cannot understand the burning anger 
of the Negro people, our desire to share the good things 
our labor has produced for America. You do not under- 
stand this. S!o you sit like Walter Winchell, one of our 
attackers, in *he Stork Club in New York and see that 
great Negro woman artist, Josephine Baker, humiliated 
and not raise 'a finger. 

"The Negro Labor Council is dedicated to the proposi- 
tion that these evils shall end and end soon. The world 
must understand that we intend to build a stronger bond 
of unity between black and white workers everywhere to 
strengthen American democracy for all. If this be sub- 
version — make the most of it!" 

A most significant event took place in Chicago in June 
of 1950. Over nine hundred delegates, Negro and white, 
gathered there to chart a course in the fight for Negro 
rights. They came from the mines, mills, farms and fac- 
tories of America. Many of them were leaders in the 
organized labor movement: seasoned, militant fighters. 
They voiced the complaints of Negro America. 



BILL OF PARTICULARS 



The delegates were told that as you looked throughout the 
land you could see Negro men and women standing in long lines 
before^ the gates of the industrial plants for jobs, only to be told 
that jio help was wanted — while at the same time white workers 
wer*?^ hired. Negro women are denied the right to work in the 
basic (/sections of American industry, on the airlines, in the stores 
and *other places. Those who were hired into industry during 
World War II have for the most part been systematically driven 
out — often in violation of union contracts. Vast unemployment 
since the war has struck the Negro community a severe blow. 

UP-GRADING 

In thousands of factories throughout the land Negroes were 
denied upgrading and better job opportunities. Too often the 
unions did not defend or fight for the right of the Negro workers - 
to be upgraded. 

APPRENTICESHIP TRAINING 

We heard there in Chicago that Negro workers were denied 
any apportunity to participate in the great number of appren- 
ticeship training programs either in industry or in government, 
in such fields as the building trades, machine tools, printing and 
engraving, and other skilled fields. 



-3- 



LILY-WHITE SHOPS 

We found out there that thousands of lily-white shops exist 
throughout the land where no Negro has ever worked. 

GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT 

We discovered that federal, state and city governments main- 
tain a severe policy of Jim Grow discrimination, beginning with 
the White House and moving on down to the lowest level of 
municipal government. ' 

SOUTHERN ECONOMY 

Our black brothers and sisters from the SJputh told of un- 
employment, low wages, wage differentials, Jim Crow unions, 
peonage, sharecrop robbery and miserable destitution. They de~ 
scribed the perpetuation of conditions in Twentieth Century 
America that are cruelly reminiscent of slavery. 

TRADE UNION JOB DISCRIMDNATION 

Black firemen and brakemen came to tell of the collusive 
agreetments between railroads and the Railroad Brotherhoods to 
throw Negroes out of the railroad industry after a hundred years 
or more, and of the denial of union membership in these unions 
and no representation. A number of AF of L unions were singled 
out for their policy of exclusion and job "monkey business" as 
regards black workers. We also learned that the CIO had joined 
the war crowd of colonial oppression and exploitation and was 
running fast from its early position of the thirties when with John 
L, Lewis at its head it really fought for Negro rights. 

CIVIL RIGHTS 

Many of the delegates were stunned to hear of the thousands 
of denials of civil rights in public places in every state in the 
union. We -were saddened and angered when we heard about the 
frameups of the Martinsville Seven, Willie McGhee, the Trenton 
Six and of countless other Negroes because they were black and 
for no other reason. We were horrified to hear of the many 
police killings of Negroes from New York City to Birmingham, 
Alabama. * * 

Negro families were still hemmed into the ghettos, * tjharged 
higher rents — chained by restrictive covenants, mob terror and 
finally even bombed if they were not lucky or able to move out 
in time. The rats are given ample opportunity to wreak their 
damage upon human beings, their destruction through disease 
and death. 

Our delegates made it clear in that 1950 convention that 
inferior Jim Crow schools are still the policy in the South and 
Jim Crow quotas in the colleges of the North. The desire of 
black children for education and a full, useful life is yet a 
dream unrealized. 

THE MANDATE. 

Is there any wonder then that this great Chicago gathering 
of the black working sons and daughters of our land said that 
this oppression can no longer exist in our America? Or is it any 
wonder that we received the full support of those stalwart, dem- 



-4- 



ocratic white workers present there who truly love democracy 
and recognize our common, basic unity of interests? So it -was 
that they, in all righteous indignation, gave unto us, the contin- 
uators* organization, a mandate. They said to us: "Go out and 
build strong the Negro Labor Councils throughout the land* 
Build them into instruments of democracy, equality and unity." 

They gave unto us the main task of fighting on that front 
which we knew best — the economic front for jobs, upgrading, -for 
an end to the lily-white shops, for apprenticeship training, gov- 
ernment jobs, local and State fair employment practices legis- 
lation, the non-discrimination clause in union contracts and 
finally, with emphasis, the right of Negro women to work any* 
where and everywhere* ' * ' 

They gave unto us the mandate to build an organization com- 
* posed in the irfcain of Negro workers, united and determined to 

wage an uncompromising struggle against Jim Crow — to "build 
- an organization which can unite with white workers who are 
wiling to accept and support our program — to exclude no free- 
dom fighter! 

That mandate commissioned us to cooperate with those ex- 
isting organizations, community and trade union, which have 
undertaken genuine campaigns for the full citizenship of the 
Negro people. 

We were directed to build a new type of organization — not 
an organization to comoete 'with those existing organizations of 

the Negro people already at work on many civil rights struggles. 
The delegates who met at Chicago demanded an organization of 

Negro workers from a wide variety of industries, organized and 
unorganized, from the great industrial centers of the North, the 
urban communities of the South and the farm workers from the 
great rural areas* Such an organization will encourage Negroes 
to join unions and urge unions to organize Negroes* It will call 
upon the entire Negro people to support labor's fight. 

Unity of Negro and White Basts for 
Vtictory for Labor and Negro People 

2?o the Negro people they told us to say: In the Civil War 
thousands upon thousands of Negro workers who took arms in 
the Union cause won, not only their own freedom — the freedom 
of the Negro people — but by abolishing the institution of slave 
labor, provided the basis for the development of free trade unions 
in the United States. 

And so, even today, as the National Negro Labor Council 
charts the course ahead to help the whole Negro people and their 
sincere allies^ we sound a warning note to American reaction, 
and bigotry. For if fifteen million Negroes, led by their alert 
sons and daughters of labor,, and united together and joined by 
the 15 million organized white workers in the great American 
labor movements say that there shall be no' more Jim Crow in 
America — then there shall be no more Jim Crow! 

If 30 million Americans — 15 million Negro people united .with 
15 million workers — join with the Jewish people* to say there shall 



-5- 



L 



be no more anti-Semitism, and mean it, then there will be no 
more anti-Semitism! 

If fifteen million Negroes, inspired by their true leaders of 
labor, united with their natural allies in the trade unions, demand 
an end to the persecution of the foreign-born, then the perscution 
of the foreign-born will end! 

If these 30 million — black and white alike — say: "Leave 
DuBois and Robeson and Patterson alonej for they speak for our 
freedom" — they will be left alone! 

If this same combination speaks with one^united voice for 

peace — America will make peace! ^ 

*v 
We, your black sons and daughters, pled^r to you that we 
have a pool of mighty strength to put at your Service, to the end 
that you will have economic, political and social equality, so that 
you might enjoy the great and good things of our land. 

We say to you: "Be confident for -we, have brought to this 
great, democratic fight many white workers who love democracy 
and who know that we have worked side by side with them, 
fought side by side with them on the picket lines against the 
giant corporations* And they know that we know — and will not 
be divided from us no matter what." 

There are great walls in our XL S. Democracy. There are 
great barriers behind which men's minds, souls, bodies .and spirits 
are imprisoned by poverty, illiteracy, disease, and deceit* With 
our new John Browns we will break down these discriminatory 
barriers. Yes, we will break down these great walls of hypoc- 
racy, together with our new John Browns, and march on for full 
and complete emancipation for the Negro people. 

And behind the fifteen million Negroes of the United States 
stand 180, million of our African brothers and sisters, sixty mil- 
lion of our kindred in the West Indies and South and Central 
America — for whom, as for us, war and the Point Four program 
would mean continued slavery and exploitation. ** 

As our new and so vitally needed organization enters into 
the fight for the rights of the Negro people, we extend our hand 
in unity and cooperation to other great Negro organizations which 
have historically struggled for these objectives. And we may 
repeat here that we are mandated to concentrate our fire upon 
that area we as workers know best — the economic front. 

To George Schuyler of the Pittsburgh Courier, to Lester 
Granger of the Urban League, to Councilman Jesse D. Locker of 
Cincinnati — all of whom attacked our Council at the beck and 
call of the big white folks, we warn you: "Negro America is 
mad, hurt and humiliated. You have spent your lives growing 
fat on Jim Crow while our brothers and sisters cannot find jobs, 
are shot down in cold blood, have their homes burned and bombed. 
You may yell when the big while folks tell you to, in order to 
keep us down, but the day of the white-haired "Uncle Toms" and 
the sleek "Uncle Thomas" is at an end." 

Since June of last year, Negro Labor Councils have sprung 
up throughout the country — North, East, South and West. The 



-6- 



j 



response of .Negro workers to the opportunity to unite their 
strength has been overwhelming. The only question most of 
- them have asked is whether or not the Council is a hard-hitting 
organization. 

Our Councils have begun tackling the task given us by the 
Chicago Conference for Negro Rights. A number of Councils are 
carrying on campaigns to end discrimination in apprenticeship 
training set up by the skilled trades. We have sought to do this 
in conjunction with the unions in the field, the employer and 
government agengies. 

Lest we be misunderstood, however, we intend to take any 
and all* necessai^steps to win. We have begun campaigns to 
convince the tra» unions to adopt our model anti-discrimination 
contract cl ause . We have been carrying on campaigns for City 
and State FEPC legislation with teeth. The outstanding of such 
campaigns was a campaign led in Detroit by the Greater Detroit 
*>. Negro Labor Council. Our Council there secured some forty 
thousand signatures to petitions for referendum by the voters of 
Detroit. The enemies of FEPC and the mealy-mouth hush-hushers 
did and are doing everything they can to keep fair employment 
practices off the ballot, while the City Council still refuses to pass 
any FEPC legislation. 

During the course of our Council building there has been 
opposition from some of the trade union leaders, particularly to 
this Convention. They have accused us of attempting dual union- 
ism, and some of them have gone so far as to advise Negro work- 
ers not to participate in this convention. To them we say: "Look 
at the Bill of Particulars, then tell us if it is not true that we 
are second-class citizens in this land. Negro are still barred from 
many trade unions in this country, denied apprenticeship train- 
ing, upgrading and refused jobs in many, many places." 

We are not represented in the policy-making bodies of most 
International unions. We say when the mobs came to Emerald 
Street jq Chicago and to Cicero, Illinois, we did not* see the great 
traHe i*nions move. Yet, the basic right to live in Cicero was 
denie(x#not only to the family of Harvey Clark, but to the Negro 
peo^ \s a whole. We say that we will no longer permit the 
deniai-^f these basic rights in our country, and are pooling our 
strength for that purpose. We intend to do it on the basis of 
cooperation and, unity, wherever possible, with the organized labor 
movement. 

We wish to say further that the day has ended when white 
trade union leaders or white leaders in any organization may 
presume to tell Negroes on what basis they shall come together 
to fight for their rights. .Three hundred years has been enough 
of that. We ask for your cooperation — but we do not ask your 
permission! 

We believe it to be the solemn duty of trade unions every- 
where, as a matter of vital self-interest, to support the Negro 
workers in their efforts to unite and to play a more powerful role 
in the fight of the Negro people for first-class citizenship based 
upon economic, political and social equality. We believe, further, 
that it is the trade unions* duty and right to encourage the white 



-7- 



workers to join with and support their Negro brothers and sisters 
in the achievement of these objectives. 

Since June of last year many things have happened — the 
frame-up victims, Willie McGhee, the Martinsville Seven and 
many others have died. Mobs came to Cicero, home burnings 
and bombings took place, the Klan rides openly again, the old 
Confederate flag is being displayed openly throughout America 
and often as a battle flag of our troops in Korea — this ancient 
symbol of slavery and v oppression* A war in Korea has involved 
our country with the colonial people of Asia. The Taft-Hartley 
Act, the Smith Act and the McCarran Act, imder the hysterical 
lashings of the McCarthy's and other neo-fascists threaten to 
destroy all civil liberties. The Negro Labor * Council, therefore, 
has come into being at a time when demo^cy needs fearless 
champions. 

We accept this role that history has thrust upon us; we gladly 
act as America's conscience. We warn America that the whole 
world watches. World peace hangs in the balance while the 
majority of the world's peoples are exploited and oppressed. 

THE PATHWAY TO PEACE 

Dr. Mordecai Johnson, President of Howard University, in 
a speech made at the 1950 CIO Convention also warned our coun- 
try when he said in his address, "The Pathway to Peace": 

"Now, let us take a look in all humility at these free 
peoples that we are. Who are they? Britain, France, Bel- 
gium, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Germany and the United 
States. We are indeed the free peoples in the sense that our 
domestic institutions are the free-est and the most flexible 
institutions on earth, but there isn't a one of us, especially 
our European allies, who hasn't been busy during the last 
two hundred years securing and sustaining their freedom by 
the political domination, economic exploitation and social 
humiliation of over half of the human race." 

I further quote Dr. Mordecai Johnson: ^ 

"If we look at ourselves in the way that history^ shows 
it to us, we are probably the most ruthless dominates, and 
exploiters and humiliators of human life that ever jSK^nned 
the pages of history. For all of a hundred years now, we 
have had in our hands scientific and technical intelligence. 
The most creative weapon of economic and political construc- 
tiveness that ever came into the hands of men. We have 
shown what we could do with that weapon by building up 
the great economic and political structure of the United 
States and Britain, France, Germany, and Japan. 

"But for 200 years, while we have had it in our power 
to build up likewise, the economic and political freedom of 
India, Africa, China, Malaya, Indo China and the peoples of 
the Near East, we not only have not done so, but we have 
used that very power to conquer them in war. To dominate 
them politically, to exploit their natural resources and their 
labor, and to segregate and humiliate them upon the land 
upon which their fathers have died and in the presence of the 
graves which hold the bodies of their mothers. 



-8- 



"For over 100 years there have been over a billion 
human beings who have been seething with indignation 
against us and training-their thoughts to bring them to the place 
where they might get out from under us and get a taste of 
freedom before they die . . . Now suppose you were Indo 




Chinese, wouldn't you be amazed at us? For over 100 years 
the French have been in,Indo^ China, dominating them politi- 
cally, strangling them economically, and humiliating them in 

the land of their fathers. 

-** 

**We haven't ever sat down with the French and de- 
manded* that they change that system. And in the defect of 
leadership on our part, they have turned to the Communists, 
and the Communists have given them leaders, they have 
trained their troops, and given them money and now it 
looks as though they can win and as they are about to win 
their liberty, we rush up to the scene and say, "Dear Broth- 
ers, what on earth are you all getting ready to do? Are you 
going to throw yourselves into the hands of this diabolical 
conspiracy under the false notion they can bring you free- 
dom? Why, they aren't free; we are the free people of the 



-9- 



world, we have democratic institutions, we are your friends, 
we will send you leaders, we will send you ammunition, we 
will send you bread/' 

"And they look at us in amazement and they say, 
'Brother, where have you been? Why if we'd a-known you 
was a-coming we'd have baked a cake'." 

And, believe, it or not, Phil Murray agreed with the speech. 
He said, said he: "It was an inspirational address that could 
only come from the soul of a man." 



MOVEMENT OF STRUGGLE 

Brothers and sisters r Eloquence is a nighty weapon in the 



struggle for our just demands. But what ig more eloquent than 
the struggle itself? The big white bosses, < *jpie men in Washing- 
ton, will move far more rapidly when they see millions of us 
in struggle than when they hear speeches alone. 

The Negro Labor Councils are above all organizations of 
struggle. We stand for the unity of all Negro workers, irre- 
spective of union affiliation, organized and unorganized; for the 
unity of Negro and white workers together; for the unity of 
Negro workers with the ^yhole Negro people in the common 
fight for Negro liberation; and for the alliance of the whole 
Negro people with the organized labor movement — the keystone 
combination for any kind of democratic progress in our country. 

With this in mind, and looking forward to the building of 
a mighty movement of Negro Labor Councils throughout the 
length and breadth of the land, it is my opinion that this 
founding convention should be remembered in the years to come 
as the gathering which launched a major, nation-wide struggle 
to win a basic demand of the Negro workers and the Negro 
people as a whole. 

For this reason I propose that this Founding Convention 
project a central natonal campaign for an Executive Order from 
the President of the United States to establish a federal Fair 
Employment Practices Order and a Federal Fair Employment 
Practices Committee to enforce it. \ 

This campaign should aim at securing the si«bfctures of 
hundreds of thousands — yes, millions — of Americans^fNegro and 
white, on a national petition. It should include mass meetings, 
use of radio and television, a drive to secure union endorse- 
ments for the Executive Order, and support from the most 
varied community organizations* It should sponsor a tour of 
prominent speakers. It should look to Negro History Week in 
February, 1952, as a milestone in that campaign, during which 
period notice should be served on the President that he is 
expected to act — and not just double-talk — for the Executive 
Order* 

Such a national campaign will bring the Negro Labor 
Councils* movement into hundred of cities and communities 
of our country. Many tens of thousands of new workers will 
thereby learn of this great movement for the first time. It will 
provide a splendid opportunity to establish new councils and 
further build the existing ones. It will spark our great organ- 
izing drive. 



-10- 



It will also provide a new opportunity for cooperation with 
the various unions and the important civic, fraternal and church 
organizations among the Negro people, thereby furthering our 
basic principle of unity. 

Such a national campaign, far from hindering local cam* 
paigns for FEPC, for housing, against discrimination and Jim 
Crow, will serve to stimulate and advance them. 

This Convention will also adopt a Constitution and Pre- 
amble and oth'er important documents, all of which are of 
utmost importance, SThese, too, are instruments in the fight. For 
nothing we say ordFwrite here will have any meaning in the 
weeks and months ^to come unless we recognize that they are 
our battle-flags* Atei battle-flags are meant to be carried into 
battle. Our great documents, our great battle-flags, must not 
be wrapped up and put away for two years after we adjourn 
here tomorrow. We must carry our lighting standards out of this 
convention, unfurled and into battle. 

We face a number of grave tasks. We are called upon to 
chart a course that will win thousands of new job opportuni- 
ties for Negro men and women, that will convince the organized 
labor movement to complete the organization of the South on 
the basis of equality and non-segregation, that will help bring 
the franchise to all the peoples in the South. 

We are on the high road to a more democratic America. 
We are on the way toward breaking the grip of the Dixiecrats 
and the Northern reactionaries on our national life, I know 
that as you hammer out a program in these two days you will 
speed up the Freedom Train; you will give greater spirit and 
meaning to the Negro Labor Councils; you will adopt the 
battle-cry of the great Frederick Douglas: "Without struggle 
there is no progress." 

We move on, united — and man nor beast will turn us back. 
We will achieve, in our time, for ourselves and for our children, 
a world oSCno Jim Crow; of no more "white men's jobs" and 
"colored «y" schools; a world of freedom, full equality, se- 
curity anjM^eace. Our task is clearly set forth. Brothers and 
sisters, wigSnWe on to struggle and to victory! 



NATIONAL NEGRO LABOR COUNCIL 
410 E. Warren Ave., Suite 214-16 
Detroit 1, Michigan 

|~1 Enclosed find $2.00 for one year's membership in the NNLC* 

I | Send me information on the NNLC* 

|~1 Enclosed find $ Send me copies of 

"For These Things We Fight", at 10c per copy. 
Pamphlets available to Local NNLC Councils @ 7c per copy. 



-11- 




c awn 



PROGRAM OF ACTION 

1. THE FIGHT FOR 100,000 JOBS 

The Convention goes on record as immediately launching a national fight 
for 100,000 new Jobs by May 15th for Negro workers in areas of employ- 
ment now barred to Negroes. 

2. THE FIGHT FOR JOBS FOR NEGRO WOMEN 

The special needs of Negro women must be the constant, and conscious, 
concentration within the overall job campaign. 




3* THE FIGHT FOR A NATIONAL FEPC (1,000,000 SI»ATURES) 

As an integral part of a fight for jobs, a campaign to colleKS#£000,000 
signatures on a petition for a National FEPC, executive order shall be 
conducted. 

4. THE FIGHT FOR A "MODEL FEPC CLAUSE" IN EACH UNION 

CONTRACT 

The fight for a "model FEPC contract clause" in every union contract must 
be accelerated* Since the Chicago Conference for Negro Rights in June 
1950, the UE International Union has adopted the model clause as part of 
its official union policy, with marked positive results in building unity of 
Negro and white workers, 

5. THE FIGHT FOR FULL FREEDOM . 

While training our main guns on the economic front, the Negro Labor 
Council is aware of the necessity of joining in the great over all struggle 
for full freedom of the Negro people in many fields of action. 

We stand ready to join hands with other organizations in the general fight 
for Negro Rights and to initiate campaigns in our own right where the 
need exists* 



-12- 



STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES 

CONSTITUTION 

Preamble 

We, the members of the Negro Labor Councils, believe that 
the struggle of the Negro people for first-class citizenship 
based on econranic, political and social equality is in vain 
unless we as smegto workers, along with our white allies, 
are united to ^protect our people (Negro) against those 
forces who continue to deny us full citizenship* 

Realizing that the old forms of organizations which were 
dedicated to the fight for first-class citizenship for Negro 
people have been unable to bring full economic oppor- 
tunity for the Negro worker in the factory, the mine, the 
mill, the office, in government; to stop wanton police kill- 
ings of Negroes throughout the land; to stop mob violence 
against us; to bring the franchise to our brothers and sisters, 
in the South, and gain our full say in the political life of 
our country with proper representation in government on 
all levels; to buy and rent homes everywhere unrestricted; 
to use public facilities, restaurants, hotels, and the recrea- 
tional facilities in town and country, we form the National 
Negro Labor Council (N-NJLG), an organization which 
unites all Negro workers with other suffering minorities 
and our allies among the white workers, and base ourselves 
on rank and file control regardless of age, sex, creed, political 
beliefs, or union affiliation, and pursue at all times a policy 
of Sailitant struggle to improve our conditions. 

W%j$edge ourselves to labor unitedly for the principles 
hepih set forth, to perpetuate our councils and work con- 
certedly with other organizations that seek improvement 
for Negro and other oppressed minorities. 

We further pledge ourselves to work unitedly with the 
trade unions to bring about greater cooperation between all 
sections of the Negro people and the trade union move- 
ment; to bring the principles of trade unionism to the 
Negro workers everywhere; to aid the trade unions in the 
great unfinished task of organizing the South on the basis 
of fraternity, equality and unity; and to further unity be- 
tween black and white workers everywhere* 




-13- 



^ 



t 



- 1 - 



Y 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 22, 1952 



MEMO SAC 



furnished the writer on December 3, 1952, a four page 



newspaper which the informant received November 2, 1952, entitle^ "People 
Rallying to Save Rosenbergs - To Secure, Justice" , issued by th^4Committee 
to Secure Justice in ROSENBERG Case, 1050 Sixth Avenue, New York 18, Eew 
York, This paper consists of various articles concerning the ROSENBERG 
case, and the support being rallied in defense of the ROSENBEFGS. 



b7D 



This newspaper will be filed in informant's file 



b7D 



s 




-^3T 



b6 
b7C 



b7D 



ILL INFORMATION CONTAINED 
HEREIN 15 UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CHW 



DEC 23 1952 

F B! * CLEVELAND 




b7D 



ALL HJF0PH4TJQU COHTAIHED 

HERE II IS UNCLASSIFIED 

DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAWSB/CHW 




I 



;* ■ TO SECURE , JUSTICEf f * 

*' t " ISSUED BT COMMITTEE TO SECURE JUSTICE IN ROSENBERG CASE — 1050 6th Atc^N.T^.18, N.Y., BRy«n{ >||9* y^,^ ^ 



.*, ' 








* ^ ^v^'^^V'^^' 



VO^*/ ^"^-j**^;* til- 







Religious and other leaders 
protest death sentence 
young Jewish couple; urge 
President grant clemency 




ETHEL ROSENBERG 



« ^JUil!lUSl ! koSENBERG 




'■A"* 






' ; ^so'n ? fa tl^ pecce-tlm 
*' f. p&wIt&fJBr la&tsphn 



|^Fv«ikI JiifittiKbs&ib^ first pef-lf 



tot^e^uminef oOSSftjEthe^Itpseitfj^g^s. brother/ Dayid Greeii^Iass, was 
accused of stealing- Arbbm b secrets from thc^sAianios project. Greeriglass said 

H m? ^e.;'eecrete:,t4 ,the 'J JO _, ^L„ ^ ,^:^ tM .i «v ' - , < < iJ ™_ 



, r Jji>^l 



P„ tiiBid^itorjtbf '^Hjfrft brpjlier 
' ^ may Jjav&sent^ life sister. ;tc 
^e^dcaiji . house) ^ ^ >r- ! * 
*J^roifc^|,1iff ^irial^ ox^. Greene 
gta^sf'eV We^ce^iriet Rosenbergs 
lyere notficharged r with' any. open' 
~ 1 "' — L_L£ — : " u "'" rT ~7 upraising . ou>'^ye^menV "-when 

K f * " it opened a second'front against 



-crime of espionage. -The, jgovern- 
ment prosecutor claimed^ they 
we're Communists,, although he 
failed .to prove'that allegation, 
^"f"ne^gQveTnment^showed 1 the 
Rosenbergs '""guIltyLVof": carrying 
sick benefit Insurance"!!* an/tar- 
lerrarial Insurance , society) 6i 
being", active, union .members^ of 






a Jcw|sii ; iadge and prosecutor there are, a num- 

^|b£'%seither|^case ; . /and some upt so obvious 

jrs*fe3eami>Ie$ arc. one-third Jewish. -Yei not^pne 

^oxniii the ^Rosenbergs ' guilf y,n JProsecufor Irving 

^ jWlfo & Cpiurffof Appeals for playing on another 

ibergs, jtoi-^atK 



IP 

tfer M< oTwiotis^XB^f 



v. ? • v I -- Sj i, ^ jSayporfca&feeehf 
w^jhi witness^ in 
^e^;.aV^6lrwQW 



f / ' v J ' i' - ^Sayporfca&6eei*r < 
i.v : *"-•& > k: ^ntjtL* : witness £ in'* rod 



jfr^erlcans. In; 3 



Ew.iV*' 



r " ^rft fee Sonie^l 
|;^^one4^^H6>ep^| 
I- ' *, ; . dieted aa&trred duri 



ait&tfred during- 



;i^kmg*p1&eeV^ 
■if " , Nf'"V' V»B.)K 

-tJi'-iT 5, r^'i^.an'dti 



j& 






1 ,3^ 



&wh$ri theiol 

ak»nV r pI»«: 

' ri}^,ghf 1 

H,3ewlsh',;w< 

if ^I'commujil! 

, ^dtdeiecrat ^ , 

.:,rang'6d Ifrotn v £forI6Ta; 4o. 



all>rewlsh',, , weif^iIred;ojn'%« 

-* ^omniujilsni? 42) ^BomK 

'^deiecratlbhiljbt a — ' 



„ v delRhiaTand ffroo) . 
^ -v of : the, Jarges^sffejrtah a 
^itlons^ln' tlie,tr.^v tb , 
< 7 T Peidple^s > paternal' : 0^er> 1 
" r ^ ordyr'ed"' -to' '-'dissolve; \Ato 
■V* * "ttjppitfjotber- y r?o^fiber^ pal 
'^ttha^'oX ,Mrs. T ~Annat^ienbs! 
t : , f ;ani-assistantf isecretary' 'ot«d 
■ ', * Hensei^hlt? thc^'lieadllaWty] 
1r' : ^ih&ym^m^*» v .9t3miei 



/l^sfc suoli^enteneeli^ our 

h^toryjsBat^ol^p ; 1R^kc: a^d ; 

'"""^ w ^wficted- pf F»r--; 

»n/ gat , ^t few years. ' 

AnUCgeniltes tog^the'^a^cn- 

_ & 9ood ofjobfecene 

tor* and literature- . A ; liltby 

L^mltlp^ atlc^'ec ; has ^begp 

ie*ftp*^<&°n; Public* buildings' In 

many'.cttleaK^atet group$' have 

t ci«$i$eo^ ',J)?4eaiL -^ aHppIpg 

sceniaeav; ^ S ->: >■ x i 'H ' i iiy 
X "Jtf the' wake oMfaVRosei***. 
Wrg^t*J»l catte-^ittaKocIfiiig. 
t rereiaUon -p'y Pu&.*Ke« Tqrtc 1 

^eerri'lnr, -w;-; Oalt" Rldpe>ki/ 

■*■&$ pro^ci; ^nlfoa; Stated* 

^e«foreentent;|on1c&a^ gave* 

^'Tbatoi^jrw^fe'^pparept;, 



J)'a p.redo^ninance of pure An- 
glors«^pn; J 3rtock;; , ; ft ,'/: , r y : * 
"■j&knj" Tabblsw.-and ^Jewish- 
editoprj alert tq,;|he^ Jewish 
aspep$ • of C.tblsv ease/* have 
.<alDHx^iearIesa,'itanas against 
Ifc Said the California Jewish 
"Volce4'? , *¥ a shamefurpreee- 
dent *hx.'l anrt^emi.tea wlU 
, w^eld^v •■ ^to bIudfeoii : AIL^ 

, ,f Hprjlned.^tj^ the, death pen- 
alty; ,'RabbU' Loife. " &*: * 0r6ss, 
charg^.rTDId^ne^Jthe Judge) 
thinks .'^at^hej; de^th^' sentence 
agaipst the Rosenpirg^ wastnec- 
essafy lo, ; counteract the^'antl- 
)3emlttc^' charge of, Cpmmunslni; 
ag^lnet^ws u\|$eneral? > . ,jthe 
hipleas Rosenberg -couptei'niay 
have^been ^ ylcjilml^d , by;> the 
aritirpoinmunlst'^ys'teria, ~*whlch 
'nas^beenJfweeplng'thla country 
>^Ui^eadly;;fttectr: *«>;':?:■ 
fjwu™w ^ jc* bitter^ memory; pf 



^Hitler- and, pf'H)th;er' such" acta 
\iJhlcn 'many r patriotic 1 citizens 
Jmew- they ' (^emselyes ^iad* p done 
at one time«.or another. -^ "~* 
If *b,is te^evldence/tanyone, 
„CAn be proven -guilty of -any- , 

■ttingS 7 ;, ,r" : / - - - ' 

'Although, ^e gbvenuneni;itlme 
and, again announced that the 
"secret"" of„the A-bomb v pwa6 no 
secret,- ..although > the *? pi an a 
J3rc.engla8^made proved ; '*do5?n- 
Hght unworkable.^/aifd./^nade 
little scientific sensed according' 
V «fe^and r Time:-ma5a2ifaes; ttip 
government •p'rosecutor /clotm^d 
the~r JRosenlt>eifg9 ;-itpJeV "^the* bne 



.The- 5udge^ ) .me^ed>fOut?deatb ? 



al^ady;' 'caused 
munist Aggress! 



gresslonJ 



his ^icris^a'g?'fr^ineuft In^^i 
iuspictoni held} by RaoM'- press 
and many'others^v^ii^beiJn.-, 



human^recor<tscrawli?d ,by 'JUtlet 
across /blnoryV pages7lef£-twin 
smears j off antl-^emltlsm 'a^df- 



antJrCom.niujilsm* v«^ ^;kc'-trdll 
laseism'leaves'whereverifcls.'*^ 
£ : Christians and Jews alike -have^ 
'.come tb\ feallzeV as; the; Jewish 
Daily* Forward' did ^hen* 1 ft pro-r 
tested^ *«the\v , ;;d^a'th;- ^-sentence: 
fEvery \ Jew^sh^JJOpae" will <jbe 



■millions: moreCot Innocent- peo- •*,' 
pie jnay npay^th^ 'price of * your 
tieason.'i " : \ ' "\ - ' ~ * ' \*. 

Foralmost two'yea»Si'' , EUiel iV „ 
and -Jnllns, Kosenbcrt have 
awaUedtdeathl, For two.jears 
thel^ Uttlesons have lived the ■ 
IoTelesylife^of 1 orphans. Only 
f *^evSbocked ^ngerlof millions u^ 
\*o%,Qecth% -Americans can keep ^ J 
* &e Rosenbergs from the'elec- -J 
^trfc chair;*;;: \ . ,' f "V *'- -- : 'A 
■ •Cbritributirjgf"dlmes and'dol- 
Iarsv , tcr''5'ecure justice ''"for thla . 
doomed- couple^ Americans have '■? 
made, it 'posslble^f or* the^ mon- 
strous,, verdict' tc --be appealed 
through^ the ^courts untllj; this 
month, ^the^ Supreme Court re- 
fused even toliear the case. , But 
new. steps. '^are being* talcen^. .*. 
and more ; an;d more Americans 
mtfst ;raliy^tp ; defend ,Jhe Rosen- 

- "Flfty^tnfiusandf haW- signed a^^ 
^egat^bylefi "nrgfng'a new trial. 
JMiUlons : inbre'muat«,support the, 
campaW^f or clemency.* While 
'dhe/singlel donbt'or 5 their guilt 



weapon trial might welled tbe r *i««-«*W* *«>«. or then- guilt 
key ' toV the r3urrtyal '* of \ this temaipir tlie Jlosenbergs . must j 
nation."* r K*' i ' -V *'V. ■*.■'* " -notMUeU^ -;* ! - " - ^ * ) 

- rtn,-'<..jrJ-- ™«+i.^ «„*-<,*^n* - Mfen * and, women; have heea. r " 



Men ^ and, women have been, 
execnjledi, only 1 $o t havs> history 
prove, ^ier4 Innocent; If, the gov- 
errun£ht&kills.-,.tbc 'Rosenbergs, 
,tn^lr Innocence* y?6uld'be small 
conifprfrvito their .IwoMlttlc/ sons. 
'Alive * a^grave. mise 



niscarrlage' of ^ 
.t»i;^«^ - " "... j 



;>Aiter F you"read!th'e facts pf 
tbis^cas'epturn^tQ'fPage 4' and 
i^Whatycaia be vdone^tovsave 
Ethel an$ Jjulius.Rosenberg from 
death^'See" What 'xpu and' every 
Anlferibanf^ can" do to^erase a 
Woody »«taln- bt" Injustice!' from 
.our>count > ry^;honor'.-' 1 



:/ t ,^ihe;wa45mfledj»;a!a^^aftah^r-e«for^ ^>- ^i *3^??^i d ^'^^!:: ^livTrtXPi^Ident^Tniman'to ,; 

. v v s acci^d o^bearins'resdpniibmty kfWp^'Tbasbiis fw'ftfc' Upparent-, f S&erfe. & a* bitter- memory^ pf f'Every; 4 Jew^^ Ppme-- wm *jha, «^^Ii-i -tf^-iri^JLi : ' '" "' * 4 S 



: , ^V^ere ji not? for #heji 
' ^^heiween ihe'IJ* S^ 
^f*lierI3SS^^u3d4 

;-ffac£ii^ 



fl- 



•iMO^^V^l^"^^ 
: brie'tact l ha5; t changed^e^een 
194*^5^ andVMSSL^ An -auy^the 
; X1SSR ts ; no^ ; cc^dered'b}r:our 



;o!d war; enemy. 



^'4 3 ^|?T; 



iF 







UJ^iiia^iif^nj 
Tpnlan wai(- , o^ ~*- 




v-j?!%v; 



i ^ v-t ^Abraha^Cronbaph; . 
> t- ar andjauthor, .tfcft* 
^;? siakshouid,* at;-tbat; 
-- ,-;"found j^lonagel^aU' 
v, -'Thd)^'s,> r^a?; /at\^ 
„>, ehartoj^ its military- ~ 
' , ^Eus^aV?*/; ^ ; ^'^i>: 
' &§&< Sc^refJiryibt*!/^ 
" .. 'Sthnsori^ia Siws-: 

,* ; ^thatuthe .A?bomb 
, ■. > wi^the^rtprw* 

; ^ tbV&ovtetsibV*:V* . . „ 

^.-;5vi^di;int^:;aii!fV^ 

; ^tneMT.S, V; «overnmenf , 
' ' ^ ^pcrt*.V*<ut %fa»tle;«M 
*' ;,/i fi:^^ lprlnolple4#« 

jri4«w Internaljcwwiier 




^s-(^ld,^wa^;^fcreatftcL ^ 
crime punishable hy ^death where 
*rione%ex|Bted-:befoir;ev*; '^/'- "' 
i We" are, '^p>* pbncerneU^lfer^ 
with. tfie goo f d*pr epi of .^ffeol^ 



" v ' '^he Jtitpne bjeeHa.g <ur- 

narioas ? 'io*mid fo^defedt 
\HitJe®«ctsJe > '^aslat 
1 thts'ti^ie'|fidt'tne Rosen- 

the igbvemmenf . to haye 

;:seat : 4^.U:; v S:}£>ft. : 



otohij< j > teewt^f ;V 



;'^S?^»^fe^ T , 






'^ur. Bui^vJifter^the^ A hot ,, ,war 
against Hitler, the cold war be- 
tween tne^ aBleff /whb" destroyed 
^lae^nas .unleashed, a w.^ve of 
trials itn^'^nysterla whose cbn^ 
'sequences affect every American: .- 
£ : -History/ '"shows' that -'scape- / 

.coWF, warit^enXgoyernments * 
*want ^^lyerttlittentibn Jtoja; 
: tbeU^wrpng guesses, 'Repeated- **^ 
^ dt^jfjfti'e'trial, the Rosen- jjj 
^rgs. were faccUsed,*oI foment-*. J 
• ing^the.KbVean^ar and ijivin^ l ^ 
^the ,A-bomh to^ihe USSR; When J 
:thai; nation was, supposed not r 
; .to be.^bJfejtof^evclop phe. f , t 
U.5he cbtd|?atfo'rms a backdrop 
for the Rosenberg; case, as.it does.: 
Xor ' : the jtrials^and jailing of 
.union, ieadprs^vwiters, scientists, 
worfelng.raen arid vomen, teach- 
er^ ' doctors and^ otbers; "Jfhe 5 
man y-i honest; ^ peace -loving 
.Americans, working, to free a 
naothexrand. fathe,r; from the 
deaJn'JbQuse; f?ar.that the Rosen- 
berg^ lives may be sacrificed on ' 
the cold yfax '^altaxv- : - v '„ 

■^bur^ American /traditions cry 
Vnoir>'te tlUBr'Belpless^pawns In 
a cold warj' the, Rosenbergs can** 
not beialldwed to die. • 



Ask rrc$]aent for Clemency. 



r*y» 



?££&& 



F 




er|s Face Death; Traitoss, «fee 



sgy case.known as TJ. S. vs. Molzahn, they were found guilty and 
.♦given five to 15 jy ears,each. Use Koch, "Beast of Belsen/' .was 
. £iven amnesty. Xet the Rosenbergs face death. . ., % 

The notorious American traitors "Axis Sally" and /Tokyo 



. 1 ^*/^" s j El1 ^ 1 F«ch>;.c6niresset >A^bomh spy, was found 
guilty, and, sentenced , v to; lf-y^ea%pulns, the- man the govern- 



People join Across 
Land, Urge Justice 
In Rosenberg Case 

Within 24 hours after the Supreme Court refused to 
hear the Rosenberg case, thousands of wires and letters 
flooded Washington, dozens of huge protest meetings were 
organized across the nation and the Rosenberg Committee's 
office was engulfed by calls, telegrams and cables, all ask- 
ing one question: "What must we do now to save the Rosen- 
bergs?" 

Prom every walk of life, rich and poor, Christian and 
Jew, Negro and white, religious leaders of every faith, a 
great wave of letters and wires is urging the President to 
grant the Rosenbergs clemency. ' 

" ' Not only individuals, but organizations, unions, religious 

groups/ women's and civic cjubs, educational groups and 

scores of others 'are sending their resolutions to President 

, .. K-uman in the hope that this. will impress upon him the 

urgent need for clemency. " ' * 

Among the more than 50,000 Americans who have 
signed an amicus brief urging justice for the Rosenbergs 
are such prominent civic, 'cultural and religious leaders as: 
Rabbi L, A. Greenberg, Rev. Clarence D. Herriott, Prof. John 
J. DeBoer, Albert Maltz, Rabbi J,acob Hoffman, Rev. Amos 
Murphy, Ray Lev, Rev. H. H. Hester, Leon* Bibb,*Dr. Joseph 
B'.Eurst and Rabbi; Abraham-Horvitz* - -w ^. . ^.i . . 
Also Pablo Picasso, Rabbi Meyer Sharff, Rev. R. L. Tin- 
ner, Paul Robeson, Mudge Norval K. -Harris, Prof. Ephraim 

, Cross, Rev. T. E, Brown, Mrs. Charlotta Bass, Rev. Mother 
Lena Stokes, Jacob Auslander, DasKiell Hammett, Rev. Wil- 
lard Uphaus, Yuri Suhl, Rev. Frank 'Glenn White and Clem- 
ens J. France. * - ' 

, Also Dorothy -Day, editor of Catholic Worker, Rev. 
Charles -William Campbell, Dr. Gene. Weltfish, . Robert 
Gwathmey, ReV. R. D. Rudd, Howard Fast, Dr. W. E.'B. 
Dubois, John Gojack, John Howard Lawson, Rabbi Moskay 

. P'. Mann, Mrs. Bessie .MitchelL and A. L. Poinerantz. ^ 

' Thedist of "those; who have- publicly spoken out against 
the Rosenberg'injiistice ism Song one, .including many reli- 
gious and - civil leaders like: . Rabbi Franklin Cohn, Rev. 
Stephen Fritchman, Rev. Howard Matson, Brig. Gen, Henry 
Clay Newcomer (Ret),' and Robert .Kenny; leading member 
of the Los Angeles Democratic Party. * 

Prominent among those, seeldngqustice in the case is the 

noted Jewish leader, Rabbi Dr. Meyer Sharif, who says: 
^u^^^lam;gn jded J by our Holy 
*** ^orahTjma; Sy^pUr^Pr^pHetir^ 

L .an 'dr^6dbx/Rabbi;ranv* 
"* ^firmly convincedT'that Ethel'! 

and Julius RofJenber^. and 

Morton Sobell ... are ehtitiecX 

to a hearing in the Supreme 

Court of the U.S. I have 

studied and pondered 'the 

facts. ... I came to the firm 

conviction that something- 
had to be done tojsave these 

persons from an undeserved 

fate. . . . 
"It is inconceivable to me 

that in our country a death 

sentence should be so lightly 

given. . . . I^consider it my 

profound duty to address my- 
self to friends and foes, to 

all, be they Jews or non- Jews, 

irrespective of . . -. political 

persuasion, to participate in 

the work of securing justice for the Rosenbergs and Sobell." 




Who are Ethel and Julius Rosenberg? What 
Julius 34*%orn and,raised on New. York's ItfjT 



id of, people are they? 



vSEtZPZ^t. m e ?S^ e ^S m 1&39, heiyia Ethel were married. 
^.y-Sl.^F "» tookkeW trouferew. piano and ehiM 




from high school.' Once mar- 
ried, she and Julius had to 
live with relatives until they 
round a $45-a-month apartment 
on the lower East Side. . 

About the time their first child 
was born, Julius worked as a 
Signal Corps engineer. But In 
1945 he was fired because some- 
one accused him or Communist 
Party membership. He denied 
this, but In vain. 

After other engineering jobs, 
Julius opened a machine shop 
with two of Ethel's brothers. 
The Rosenbergs managed »n 
this slim Income; Julius be- 
came an active member of his 
union while Ethel did volun- 
teer civil defense and commu- 
nity work. 

When David Grecnglass; one 
of the ; machine >fcop. partners} 
pulled out of the Business, Julius 
agreed to pay him $1,000, But 
later, In the Spring of 1950, 
David demanded $2,000, hinting 
that he was In trouble on his 
lob at the. Los Alamos A-bomb 
project. He spoke about* vaccina- 
tions 'needed to get -Into Mexico. 
Julius and Ethel simply- could 
not * scrape * together v$l,000 in 
cash, much less $3,000; v When 
they said so, David became 
angry. "Well, Julie/', he said, 
w . . . if you don't} get me tbJfl 
money, you^ are^feoing to be 
sorry," <For ^Greenglass' port In 
the case, see 'elsewhere.) 

The Rosenbergs ^ found out 
what that- threat meant: '<£feen- 
glass confessed M stealing A- 
borob secrets. Th^ "first ' thing 
Julius knew, the»FBI?haled him 
In for questlohing.'4*r 
Ethel were arrested ind stood 
trlal.for " " * 

GreenL 

Separated Jr dm : J6er*husbahc. 
Ethel;.wrote">^lm^4>:a'etter 'from 
her -death^ce^/p'p^of which 
reads: ^^The^ children's snap- 
shots * X'i smile 5$weetfy upon 
me. . :- . I,Shall .find 'that, Cour- 
age, , confidence . anfc.perspectlve 1 
to see me through; the Bays and 
nights of bottomless 'horror,, of 
tortured , screams;! \ may, .not 
utter/* t ""V ' 

"When you see;.tfae Warden 
nexV Ethel begged, her attor- 
ney, "won't you plead with him 
to allow me to have Michael's 
plant outside , tbeVcell?" Her 
son had sent her aigreen plant 
she was not allowed, to see. "At 
the very least, couldn't" I see it 
just once?" Jj- 

One of the little boys who sent 
the plant his mother was not al- 
lowed to see It Robble>Rosenberg, 
has spent almost' half his young 
life without seeing'Siis beloved 
mother or lather. -'^ ■ • 



Sobell Gets 3& Years on No 
Evidence but 'priendV Word 

Morton SoheD, co-defend*uit with the Rosenbercs, was 
sentenced to SO ye^n^pW^. on no evidence at alh 
Kg SEW «■ * *£*• - *• -re terrifying 

■ The FBI combed, the CCN»h 
graduating class which.lncluded 
Julius Rosenberg,' „' questioned; 
every ^member.and finally found* 
one who had something to hide; 
Max Elitcher, an -engineer who 
perjured himself when apply! " 
for a government' job"; Paced V 
a severe penalty for this, ElitcHer 
readily agreed to "cooperate."'*,^ 

When the FBr called ,orijanT 
other .of the graduating class, 
Elitcher's ^back-yard, ^neighbor 
and" "engineer friend^ ; Mbrto# 
Sobell, they found, the ' Sobell 
family away on, a vacation do 
Mexico, registered sunder theW 
oWn^names and without any sub-i 
terfuge, as* honest folk do with 
nothing to fear. ,. . \x 

But, the FBI/ fcrike 'fait«r 

,SobeU'» Mexico , aty ,.»b»^^ 

blackjacked a n d t /kldnappeilif 

him by car to New York;where '; 

he was held on $lt0,609 balL, 

. . . with no case against hfiirf. 

* Returnlng^to Elltcher,'' the FBI 

held the threat of nrison.oyer 

hlshead.- He made* statement 

Implicating Sobell, "whom'he had 



Jiever .mentioned before. On this 
and this alone, with no acts of 
espionage charged against him, 
Sobell- was tried and sentenced 
to 30 years in jail. 
^Before- the trial, no one knew 
that EUtcher had secretly im- 
plicated Sobell. With her hus- 
band In jail, Mrs. Sobell was 
Jo-reed to 'sell all her possessions 
w^wjae money for his, defense. 
•&-£?£ • me ^ Wfi s grateful 
jihat their "'friend and neighbor" 
Elitcher, who owed his very job 
to Sobell's kindness, bought some 
of her ^baby's things at a sacri- 
ficeprice. She thanked him, little 
realizing theft he was the sole 
cause of. her trouble. 

-Never once did Elitcher testify 
that Sobell had committed espi- 
onage. Never once was there any 
proof .of this charge. But Sobell 
was given 30 years in jail. Today 
bis wife fights for his and the 
Rosenbergs* freedom, in the hope 
that 'decent Americans every- 
^where "will wipe out the gross 
Injustice of their sentences. 




WO i FIGHTING ^OMEH jA'ASatlt to^lrie for justice as 
Mrs^Helen Sobell ,d*ft£ *#e/[ Morton JobeJi; receives a pledge 
of support from ^itJXosofcelHcGee, -widow orf Willie McGee, 
iwrtyreoSictim of MbstssV^'£8tstie£ M '* v *' 



. If 



„ *''. ?»/'-' "^- "V - r ":<- ^g S T^y'- /•*;■/};:.'-'■ J, ^v^'jL -- 

Ktait Wfc* 



t Crrbcagfass' dragged * li%i 

^ Jttiiu& Into aft, espio'ijifce j$j 

.'he. tet In^ptfoicthc €fenfs$ 

. ; ^put\theex faJhfcf death, ban* 

> 1 .- ,' ' *Bgbj* >t fatf *amt& -5 . 

.«» £thelV,spetJaty,peK *»*J 

;■ ; tt» ^wlfe jiuth: When bW 

to the Rosenbergs |$ 1650 'pfcj 

*, fee...*** Ih;Jt*bubte» thjflMJ 

f ^worried but; befbr^ anyone ti 

" f: lielp^th* FBI £&«d' O^fengl 

: , * , ; faery *»nunqn«n> andhammea 
;' .. ; "cut * Jjajrage tfc,t^csi^fc*&J; 

- i ° «tnd- * orldrranWHi >0$egfc , 

f-™ ; .^^teatliyUu&V^i**?* W® 

' ■ , , f-V-e^ae ,paa; 'fW^n ^P t: ^"fflS 

-,•/.* but*Boggei$cor(m * - wotifftjli 

, ■* ,, helping Grdetoglas*, ^ttefe;** 1 "* 3 

, ' . ' *biting wlfh! tbtf FBI sft& Pv*-* 

,'. .* ,<utor Saypol, ' : JJit Boscnb«fjg| 

-V* V* namw.werejfidd^Joi^c^eSjibHi** 

. "',<, *" l **«ge indictment. , \ - J v t ?*-^-t; 

- " j f ^ preenglasa claimed he;drew i 

* i-"x ' 6 "ttoss-sectlrin' als^rainNjPt'' " 
£*; '. X i \ „ bomb .and igave f % to $th;4i ; 
•* -?- ''; 3TuUu&, Scientists^ ite said* jiaa 
1 i i"t k*f J bis machined '9e M at|d 

• 1 leaked? ua* behind' theni^ j 
' piet^\ together. wap*£0$??f* 



ty tr*acBexy 6etwfew» 
«& And/ wbe*2>a.vTd 





. . . . v Tills happened In *&£ Set efc$ 
\'/* ' A l years .later;- allegedly;* YKfejPsQ ui, 
..: *£J,* '£ i any wacIrinsTor^no^'Greetfvlls 
- J : ** i> f eJas* *was Jabte* to/ rcprod^je?? 
,-w >;,?? that dlaKraia^n^nates-bufe^f 
Y: « H-<tfi3 head^bafwere bttrttualfct . 
*'v*i * Heation»^J<>V""tbJ« ^rerpendar-^ 
.. vjj rjjat*'<)xi^o^s-axaini»?itt9ii,1 

" ' ^id^ttiVradt**^ ii(sK'|cb>^i 

but .flunked all eigHi^echnical; 



^V^.!! 



V*J!'( h$iaUt.ne:'creatod ,"a^fn:et4'."/-w[bl^t| 

tnjlila mind: JAntf^bett^hev'feff* 
; «rpmenV unveUed', nl* '^crq«» , 
* section diagram^ lib* xqptiUte ■) 



M0 



«mn?eS^e;)ate^toolc..;;fi.%s - : ^ 
^otmCetuedilw "Tcaiin $&&&& 



.•fbetalled, ^kttl Mi '^bA ^toa|fc* 
»^{ifO«ld -inairev^^t*^' 
umes ; ,dC '&tyj$a&*" t - •?• ^ 
fikofred^eSeientlfic^TWrtfe; 
tam',?The*}G?&W#w*ib*in* WMtJ 



iglcaVif noi:do^n- ; 

»bt .^nwojSabte," , .- ; } 

^;oa :bre«nglas^* W$tdiine 

Ibergl^'Tfete ^sentencerd^ M 

' ^^tWmot w suid^lo- 

ptoar of e^plpnage 

[^^p^duted;^', - -, 

;»|il ( 'it^ Bosen? 

., Jaad unlbn^ted' ^Soylet 

^'HJfinfe^Sa.nlght pn'en- 

'Inmeri^ paldl top- studenti* ' 

1e ; cdw}ftllbn» leht'^iigfi sqms 

t6n9y(;an4 had a"Hu»slan 

At Ubte wlthia.^ecret/cop(i- 

' ttfo^inlcrofllmin^/; ^ 

«^- -^assTP^— -^ u ° V**' B r 
[Ved;.^^^rf > ta j proy|,tb^», 
./cRoaoitbefcs, yrh»stnifffs!ea N 
a^aJcefj^K^nsaU'theliMlYcs, 
^T«^%a wnfcile^tabl^-^e- r 
teeilt wa* ^tlae* by thfe F^C 

iv&ei^aa^ *jieif-^o'ftXess Jd; sp^' 
■"* toutot >J(4i;M s *tesf ahorti 
j^W. wi^wbo. idag^alled 

._C'* w a6]r^ J wa<ii«iref, tried. 

'b? &« <today. Uke>3th^ 

.aborg^nii^ha* twi children. 

becauw.Qf pa*ia i; and ; .&utii. 

.nrfMi^'iMtlminwr MhetaiU' 



jUt-vDrV H.?, a; Tlr^»a>dl :^ 
Ued, 'dat*; Mi 1,^ **^-^ s 

__'! , wDuW-Hsuirev'1 

Itanes; dC icl^jjrUtJ. 1 



ffW 




SW0 



*<• -.'v^0-?;m . 



•:-t.\ 



the Rosenbergs 



*>^*, 






Send d wire or letter #q 
Presi Truman. Tell him to 
^Save the ftp^nb^ 



■■ 



«3»»**r'- 




T J^*rW#ald they w«re>»ple« 
»fe?^e ^ «oo«;^ be|Tho»t: 
i&> J**or*ed^o* «ac^ 'death, 
g^r^ir i«Jr one' >&&#&*& 
iSfta ,th»fe^ddja |bJ»t.Mdjc«c r 







!T TP! 



it-Hi} jMtlee.; 



WW* 






'**&. 



your union, church, 
cial club, to send a similar 

.¥rH^;Oril0^er^; : ;;;;;^ 






^fe£}*- 



„„Es^aal 
.__ n 'So«:nberg^' ^tiw^;'" 
jrieinbets; bdt^tl^^«hnlque> 
afeainat tiwmfh»C *&&$& 
^mblanoe:-- %yeoj*n«»*- ^ 
■> trials in;Aineri^'b3itor#^ 
lf iThe-useCot fiiBociaeiat : ' 



pocketbookija^ 
... ^ 'tactic: Tlie;api»««ranc 
L* ! *' ;=■-> f^sslonid Jtkt •limey. , ,_ 
^T»^entley in ' th€ »«KuB^r(r3 
^ ^thougttialw'I^L^ ||i"' B 

, eith«::the;J^»ohb# ! *« ~ 
.^Ae^ta^ewd^^ 

MUajBetatley^a*; . , v . .. v , .„ 
1 t&Ufy.: |n .*ak^»^i ^^aa^h 



Sfett. 1 






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^th^rVa^nfeatfr^ofcdian^^j- 



Ei»«^ 



Mt®b& V fowmeq ; ^d 
^ J *«J, bfe -^wpor*W»x 

i^iiiM^-d*- •%;£&>*• ^' 

1 - rAraerica^b* fightlnr^ 
tradttlotffce^taliTeA 

•Boac-.^ooherti^-tb^ 

n ryoutha an^TWffie-K^-; 

/Rafe'taidiUoa.: bur^* erenj-, 
[Bei^sdax'when; unk^Iead* 

and inawb^ra themielTe* lace? 

■ stwt^trcabnentt jneted^nt 1a(: 

^a r tfcr I aetr af tttejRoien- 

!? ca«*^i* ybwr iocal^uaJoof, 

' ' t&forihofi^, ^$p^ ; *; ; 
Virile ^.iPre^dent'^Tra^ 
*tUr ■bbi ^tf ;-grfe ttw 




*^ 



*t?:?_i4^', ;5?f ■,';' k ? 



inW^^cJ^Pffli^ 

^-j^^Na^oiifcOi^ 

Jl^:-&ecu1rflWslic]^ 
Rosenberg Case, 1050 6th 

llS^e.. KeW Y^ ^ N, Y. 
Checks -jni^ib^lm^^iit 
to Jos. Brainin, Chairman 



v 
~3 



;^-- A rk* 



•FT 



"^ 



i — -^ 






m 



HEMO SAS 

100-19935 
100-17261 
100-20402 
100-10263 
100-14573 
100-20116 
100414899 



HHIO 
Negro 

Oarlotta Euf As 
Hay Dennis 
Bert Washington 
Sue Biles 
Ethel Goodman 



Cleveland, Ohio 
December 22, 1952 



100-20422 Willie Brown 

100-20087 Lou Jennings 

100-20420 Ike- Turner 

100-19277 Jred Gexdner 

100-20421 Eddie. Young 

100-3583 Eddie Webb 

100-19433 Florence Romig 



|furnishcd the writer on December 3, 1952, ek 

year "book of the second annuel national convention of the NHLO oh 
November 21-23, 1952, at the Cleveland Municipal Auditorium. This 
year book was furnished the informant on November 23, 1952. This 
year hook contains the nancs and photographs of the f ollowing per- 
sons: 

CiBLOEDA BDiKJS, 'SAY D3MIS, BEST WASHINGTON, SUE BILES, 
ET'HSL GOODMAET WILLIE 3B0WN,*.L0U JEMING3, IKE TUSNEE, SEED GARDNER, 
EDDIE YOUNG, EDDIE WEBB, and FLOBENOE jBOKIG. Other pertinent names 
appearing in the year "book are being inddxed., All names - have been 
indexed.^p — 

This year book will be found in \the 1A porti on of 
instant file* [ f^M^A Ma. I 



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DATE 02-10-2011 BY 60324UCBAW/SB/CIW 



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